Congressional government : $b a study in American politicsWilson, Woodrow
History
Congressional government : $b a study in American politics
Wilson, Woodrow
Executive power -- United States; United States -- Politics and government; United States. Congress
There are only two things which can give any man a right to expect that
when he speaks the whole country will listen: namely, genius and
authority. Probably no one will ever contend that Sir Stafford Northcote
was an orator, or even a good speaker. But by proof of unblemished
character, and by assiduous, conscientious, and able public service he
rose to be the recognized leader of his party in the House of Commons;
and it is simply because he speaks as one having authority,--and not as
the scribes of the Press,--that he is as sure of a heedful hearing as is
Mr. Gladstone, who adds genius and noble oratory to the authority of
established leadership. The leaders of English public life have
something besides weight of character, prestige of personal service and
experience, and authority of individual opinion to exalt them above the
anonymous Press. They have definite authority and power in the actual
control of government. They are directly commissioned to control the
policy of the administration. They stand before the country, in
parliament and out of it, as the responsible chiefs of their parties. It
is their business to lead those parties, and it is the matter-of-course
custom of the constituencies to visit upon the parties the punishment
due for the mistakes made by these chiefs. They are at once the servants
and scapegoats of their parties.
It is these well-established privileges and responsibilities of theirs
which make their utterances considered worth hearing,--nay, necessary to
be heard and pondered. Their public speeches are their parties'
platforms. What the leader promises his party stands ready to do, should
it be intrusted with office. This certainty of audience and of credit
gives spice to what such leaders have to say, and lends elevation to the
tone of all their public utterances. They for the most part avoid
buncombe, which would be difficult to translate into Acts of Parliament.
It is easy to see how great an advantage their station and influence
give them over our own public men. We have no such responsible party
leadership on this side the sea; we are very shy about conferring much
authority on anybody, and the consequence is that it requires something
very like genius to secure for any one of our statesmen a universally
recognized right to be heard and to create an ever-active desire to hear
him whenever he talks, not about candidates, but about measures. An
extraordinary gift of eloquence, such as not every generation may hope
to see, will always hold, because it will always captivate, the
attention of the people. But genius and eloquence are too rare to be
depended upon for the instruction and guidance of the masses; and since
our politicians lack the credit of authority and responsibility, they
must give place, except at election-time, to the Press, which is
everywhere, generally well-informed, and always talking. It is
necessarily "government by declamation" and editorial-writing.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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