Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 1 of 3Hallam, Henry
History
Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 1 of 3
Hallam, Henry
Constitutional history -- Great Britain
_Opposition made by part of the nation._--But great as was the number of
those whom conviction or self-interest enlisted under the protestant
banner, it appears plain that the Reformation moved on with too
precipitate a step for the majority. The new doctrines prevailed in
London, in many large towns, and in the eastern counties. But in the
north and west of England, the body of the people were strictly
Catholics. The clergy, though not very scrupulous about conforming to
the innovations, were generally averse to most of them.[128] And, in
spite of the church lands, I imagine that most of the nobility, if not
the gentry, inclined to the same persuasion; not a few peers having
sometimes dissented from the bills passed on the subject of religion in
this reign, while no sort of disagreement appears in the upper house
during that of Mary. In the western insurrection of 1549, which partly
originated in the alleged grievance of enclosures, many of the demands
made by the rebels go to the entire re-establishment of popery. Those of
the Norfolk insurgents in the same year, whose political complaints were
the same, do not, as far as I perceive, show any such tendency. But an
historian, whose bias was certainly not unfavourable to protestantism,
confesses that all endeavours were too weak to overcome the aversion of
the people towards reformation, and even intimates that German troops
were sent for from Calais on account of the bigotry with which the bulk
of the nation adhered to the old superstition.[129] This is somewhat a
humiliating admission, that the protestant faith was imposed upon our
ancestors by a foreign army. And as the reformers, though still the
fewer, were undeniably a great and increasing party, it may be natural
to enquire, whether a regard to policy as well as equitable
considerations should not have repressed still more, as it did in some
measure, the zeal of Cranmer and Somerset? It might be asked, whether,
in the acknowledged co-existence of two religions, some preference were
not fairly claimed for the creed, which all had once held, and which the
greater part yet retained; whether it were becoming that the counsellors
of an infant king should use such violence in breaking up the
ecclesiastical constitution; whether it were to be expected that a
free-spirited people should see their consciences thus transferred by
proclamation, and all that they had learned to venerate not only torn
away from them, but exposed to what they must reckon blasphemous
contumely and profanation? The demolition of shrines and images, far
unlike the speculative disputes of theologians, was an overt insult on
every catholic heart. Still more were they exasperated at the ribaldry
which vulgar Protestants uttered against their most sacred mystery. It
was found necessary in the very first act of the first protestant
parliament, to denounce penalties against such as spoke irreverently of
the sacrament, an indecency not unusual with those who held the
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