Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 2 of 3Hallam, Henry
History
Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 2 of 3
Hallam, Henry
Constitutional history -- Great Britain
[234] The entry of this in the journals is too characteristic of the
tone assumed in the Commons to be omitted. "This committee (after
naming some of the warmest men) is appointed to prepare heads for a
conference with the Lords, and to acquaint them what bills this house
hath passed and sent up to their lordships, which much concern the
safety of the kingdom, but have had no consent of their lordships unto
them; and that, this house being the representative body of the whole
kingdom, and their lordships being but as particular persons, and
coming to parliament in a particular capacity, that if they shall not
be pleased to consent to the passing of those acts and others
necessary to the preservation and safety of the kingdom, that then
this house, together with such of the lords that are more sensible of
the safety of the kingdom, may join together and represent the same
unto his majesty." This was on December 3, 1641, before the argument
from necessity could be pretended, and evidently contains the germ of
the resolution of February 1649, that the House of Lords was useless.
The resolution was moved by Mr. Pym; and on Mr. Godolphin's objecting,
very sensibly, that if they went to the king with the lesser part of
the Lords, the greater part of the Lords might go to the king with the
lesser part of them, he was commanded to withdraw (Verney MS.); and an
order appears on the journals, that on Tuesday next the house would
take into consideration the offence now given by words spoken by Mr.
Godolphin. Nothing further, however, seems to have taken place.
[235] This was carried Jan. 27, 1642, by a majority of 223 to 123, the
largest number, I think, that voted for any question during the
parliament. Richmond was an eager courtier, and perhaps an enemy to
the constitution, which may account for the unusual majority in favour
of his impeachment, but cannot justify it. He had merely said, on a
proposition to adjourn, "Why should we not adjourn for six months?"
[236] _Parl. Hist._ 1147, 1150, 1188; Clarendon, ii. 284, 346.
[237] Clarendon, 322. Among other petitions presented at this time,
the noble author inserts one from the porters of London. Mr. Brodie
asserts of this, that "it is nowhere to be found or alluded to, so far
as I recollect, except in Clarendon's _History_; and I have no
hesitation in pronouncing it a forgery by that author, to disgrace the
petitions which so galled him and his party. The journals of the
Commons give an account of every petition; and I have gone over them
_with the utmost care_, in order to ascertain whether such a petition
ever was presented, and yet cannot discover a trace of it."--iii. 306.
This writer is much too precipitate and passionate. No sensible man
will believe Clarendon to have committed so foolish and useless a
forgery; and as to Mr. B.'s diligent perusal of the journals, this
petition is fully noticed, though not inserted at length, on the 3rd
of February.
[238] Nalson, ii. 234, 245.
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