Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 2 of 3Hallam, Henry
History
Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 2 of 3
Hallam, Henry
Constitutional history -- Great Britain
_Cromwell summons another parliament._--Amidst so general a hatred,
trusting to the effect of an equally general terror, the protector
ventured to summon a parliament in 1656. Besides the common
necessities for money, he had doubtless in his head that remarkable
scheme which was developed during its session.[441] Even the despotic
influence of his major-generals, and the political annihilation of the
most considerable body of the gentry, then labouring under the
imputation of delinquency for their attachment to the late king, did
not enable him to obtain a secure majority in the assembly; and he was
driven to the audacious measure of excluding above ninety members,
duly returned by their constituents, from taking their seats. Their
colleagues wanted courage to resist this violation of all privilege;
and, after referring them to the council for approbation, resolved to
proceed with public business. The excluded members, consisting partly
of the republican, partly of the presbyterian factions, published a
remonstrance in a very high strain, but obtained no redress.[442]
_Cromwell designs to take the crown._--Cromwell, like so many other
usurpers, felt his position too precarious, or his vanity ungratified,
without the name which mankind have agreed to worship. He had, as
evidently appears from the conversations recorded by Whitelock, long
since aspired to this titular, as well as to the real, pre-eminence;
and the banished king's friends had contemplated the probability of
his obtaining it with dismay.[443] Affectionate towards his family, he
wished to assure the stability of his son's succession, and perhaps to
please the vanity of his daughters. It was indeed a very reasonable
object with one who had already advanced so far. His assumption of the
crown was desirable to many different classes; to the lawyers, who,
besides their regard for the established constitution, knew that an
ancient statute would protect those who served a _de facto_ king in
case of a restoration of the exiled family; to the nobility, who
perceived that their legislative right must immediately revive; to the
clergy, who judged the regular ministry more likely to be secure under
a monarchy; to the people, who hoped for any settlement that would put
an end to perpetual changes; to all of every rank and profession who
dreaded the continuance of military despotism, and demanded only the
just rights and privileges of their country. A king of England could
succeed only to a bounded prerogative, and must govern by the known
laws; a protector, as the nation had well felt, with less nominal
authority, had all the sword could confer. And, though there might be
little chance that Oliver would abate one jot of a despotism for which
not the times of the Tudors could furnish a precedent, yet his life
was far worn, and under a successor it was to be expected that future
parliaments might assert again all those liberties for which they had
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