Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 3 of 3Hallam, Henry
History
Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 3 of 3
Hallam, Henry
Constitutional history -- Great Britain
[136] The invitation to William seems to have been in debate some time
before the Prince of Wales's birth; but it does not follow that it
would have been despatched if the queen had borne a daughter; nor do I
think that it should have been.
[137] Ralph, 980; Mazure, ii. 367.
[138] Dalrymple, 216, 228. The prince was urged in the memorial of the
seven to declare the fraud of the queen's pregnancy to be one of the
grounds of his expedition. He did this: and it is the only part of his
declaration that is false.
[139] _State Trials_, xii. 151. Mary put some very sensible questions
to her sister, which show her desire of reaching the truth in so
important a matter. They were answered in a style which shows that
Anne did not mean to lessen her sister's suspicions. Dalrymple, 305.
Her conversation with Lord Clarendon on this subject, after the
depositions had been taken, is a proof that she had made up her mind
not to be convinced. Henry Earl of Clarendon's _Diary_, 77, 79; _State
Trials_, ubi supra.
[140] M. Mazure has collected all the passages in the letters of
Barillon and Bonrepos to the court of France relative to the queen's
pregnancy (ii. 366); and those relative to the birth of the Prince of
Wales. P. 547. It is to be observed that this took place more than a
month before the time expected.
[141] Montesquieu.
[142] Some short pamphlets, written at this juncture to excite
sympathy for the king, and disapprobation of the course pursued with
respect to him, are in the Somers Collection, vol. ix. But this force
put upon their sovereign first wounded the consciences of Sancroft and
the other bishops, who had hitherto done as much as in their station
they well could to ruin the king's cause and paralyse his arms.
Several modern writers have endeavoured to throw an interest about
James at the moment of his fall, either from a lurking predilection
for all legitimately crowned heads, or from a notion that it becomes a
generous historian to excite compassion for the unfortunate. There can
be no objection to pitying James, if this feeling is kept unmingled
with any blame of those who were the instruments of this misfortune.
It was highly expedient for the good of this country, because the
revolution settlement could not otherwise be attained, to work on
James's sense of his deserted state by intimidation; and for that
purpose the order conveyed by three of his own subjects, perhaps with
some rudeness of manner, to leave Whitehall was necessary. The drift
of several accounts of the revolution that may be read is to hold
forth Mulgrave, Craven, Arran, and Dundee to admiration, at the
expense of William and of those who achieved the great consolidation
of English liberty.
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