Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 3 of 3Hallam, Henry
History
Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 3 of 3
Hallam, Henry
Constitutional history -- Great Britain
still should be considered as virtually correct.[158] But its distinct
assertion in the bill of rights put a most essential restraint on the
monarchy, and rendered it in effect for ever impossible to employ any
direct force or intimidation against the established laws and
liberties of the people.
_Discontent with the new government._--A revolution so thoroughly
remedial, and accomplished with so little cost of private suffering,
so little of angry punishment or oppression of the vanquished, ought
to have been hailed with unbounded thankfulness and satisfaction. The
nation's deliverer and chosen sovereign, in himself the most
magnanimous and heroic character of that age, might have expected no
return but admiration and gratitude. Yet this was very far from being
the case. In no period of time under the Stuarts were public
discontent and opposition of parliament more prominent than in the
reign of William III.; and that high-souled prince enjoyed far less of
his subject's affection than Charles II. No part of our history
perhaps is read upon the whole with less satisfaction than these
thirteen years, during which he sat upon his elective throne. It will
be sufficient for me to sketch generally the leading causes, and the
errors both of the prince and people, which hindered the blessings of
the revolution from being duly appreciated by its contemporaries.
The votes of the two houses, that James had abdicated, or in plainer
words forfeited, his royal authority, that the crown was vacant, that
one out of the regular line of succession should be raised to it, were
so untenable by any known law, so repugnant to the principles of the
established church, that a nation accustomed to think upon matters of
government only as lawyers and churchmen dictated, could not easily
reconcile them to its preconceived notions of duty. The first burst of
resentment against the late king was mitigated by his fall;
compassion, and even confidence, began to take place of it; his
adherents--some denying or extenuating the faults of his
administration, others more artfully representing them as capable of
redress by legal measures--having recovered from their consternation,
took advantage of the necessary delay before the meeting of the
convention, and of the time consumed in its debates, to publish
pamphlets and circulate rumours in his behalf.[159] Thus, at the
moment when William and Mary were proclaimed (though it may be
probable that a majority of the kingdom sustained the bold votes of
its representatives), there was yet a very powerful minority who
believed the constitution to be most violently shaken, if not
irretrievably destroyed, and the rightful sovereign to have been
excluded by usurpation. The clergy were moved by pride and shame, by
the just apprehension that their influence over the people would be
impaired, by jealousy or hatred of the nonconformists, to deprecate so
practical a confutation of the doctrines they had preached, especially
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