Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 3 of 3Hallam, Henry
History
Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 3 of 3
Hallam, Henry
Constitutional history -- Great Britain
Notwithstanding a hasty remark of Burnet, that the design of this bill
seemed to be to make men as safe in all treasonable practices as
possible, it ought to be considered a valuable accession to our
constitutional law; and no part, I think, of either statute will be
reckoned inexpedient, when we reflect upon the history of all nations,
and more especially of our own. The history of all nations, and more
especially of our own, in the fresh recollection of those who took a
share in these acts, teaches us that false accusers are always
encouraged by a bad government, and may easily deceive a good one. A
prompt belief in the spies whom they perhaps necessarily employ, in
the voluntary informers who dress up probable falsehoods, is so
natural and constant in the offices of ministers, that the best are to
be heard with suspicion when they bring forward such testimony. One
instance, at least, had occurred since the revolution, of charges
unquestionably false in their specific details, preferred against men
of eminence by impostors who panted for the laurels of Oates and
Turberville.[249] And, as men who are accused of conspiracy against a
government are generally such as are beyond question disaffected to
it, the indiscriminating temper of the prejudging people, from whom
juries must be taken, is as much to be apprehended, when it happens to
be favourable to authority, as that of the government itself; and
requires as much the best securities, imperfect as the best are, which
prudence and patriotism can furnish to innocence. That the prisoner's
witnesses should be examined on oath will of course not be disputed,
since by a subsequent statute that strange and unjust anomaly in our
criminal law has been removed in all cases as well as in treason; but
the judges had sometimes not been ashamed to point out to the jury, in
derogation of the credit of those whom a prisoner called in his
behalf, that they were not speaking under the same sanction as those
for the Crown. It was not less reasonable that the defence should be
conducted by counsel; since that excuse which is often made for
denying the assistance of counsel on charges of felony, namely, the
moderation of prosecutors and the humanity of the bench, could never
be urged in those political accusations wherein the advocates for the
prosecution contend with all their strength for victory; and the
impartiality of the court is rather praised when it is found than
relied upon beforehand.[250] Nor does there lie any sufficient
objection even to that which many dislike, the furnishing a list of
the witnesses to the prisoner, when we set on the other side the
danger of taking away innocent lives by the testimony of suborned and
infamous men, and remember also that a guilty person can rarely be
ignorant of those who will bear witness against him; or if he could,
that he may always discover those who have been examined before the
grand jury, and that no others can in any case be called on the trial.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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