Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 3 of 3Hallam, Henry
History
Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 3 of 3
Hallam, Henry
Constitutional history -- Great Britain
_Independence of judges._--It had been the practice of the Stuarts,
especially in the last years of their dynasty, to dismiss judges,
without seeking any other pretence, who showed any disposition to
thwart government in political prosecutions. The general behaviour of
the bench had covered it with infamy. Though the real security for an
honest court of justice must be found in their responsibility to
parliament and to public opinion, it was evident that their tenure in
office must, in the first place, cease to be precarious, and their
integrity rescued from the severe trial of forfeiting the emoluments
upon which they subsisted. In the debates previous to the declaration
of rights, we find that several speakers insisted on making the
judges' commissions _quamdiu se bene gesserint_, that is, during life
or good behaviour, instead of _durante placito_, at the discretion of
the Crown. The former, indeed, is said to have been the ancient course
till the reign of James I. But this was omitted in the hasty and
imperfect bill of rights. The commissions however of William's judges
ran _quamdiu se bene gesserint_. But the king gave an unfortunate
instance of his very injudicious tenacity of bad prerogatives, in
refusing his assent, in 1692, to a bill that had passed both houses,
for establishing this independence of the judges by law and confirming
their salaries.[287] We owe this important provision to the act of
settlement; not as ignorance and adulation have perpetually asserted,
to his late majesty George III. No judge can be dismissed from office,
except in consequence of a conviction for some offence, or the address
of both houses of parliament, which is tantamount to an act of the
legislature.[288] It is always to be kept in mind that they are still
accessible to the hope of further promotion, to the zeal of political
attachment, to the flattery of princes and ministers; that the bias of
their prejudices, as elderly and peaceable men, will, in a plurality
of cases, be on the side of power; that they have very frequently been
trained, as advocates, to vindicate every proceeding of the Crown;
from all which we should look on them with some little vigilance, and
not come hastily to a conclusion that, because their commissions
cannot be vacated by the Crown's authority, they are wholly out of the
reach of its influence. I would by no means be misinterpreted, as if
the general conduct of our courts of justice since the revolution, and
especially in later times, which in most respects have been the best
times, were not deserving of that credit it has usually gained; but
possibly it may have been more guided and kept straight than some are
willing to acknowledge by the spirit of observation and censure which
modifies and controls our whole government.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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