Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 3 of 3Hallam, Henry
History
Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 3 of 3
Hallam, Henry
Constitutional history -- Great Britain
[254] _Somers Tracts_, passim. John Dunton the bookseller, in the
_History of his Life and Errors_, hints that unlicensed books could be
published by a douceur to Robert Stephens, the messenger of the press,
whose business it was to inform against them.
[255] _State Trials_, xiv. 1103, 1128. Mr. Justice Powell told the
Rev. Mr. Stephens, in passing sentence on him for a libel on Harley
and Marlborough, that to traduce the queen's ministers was a
reflection on the queen herself. It is said, however, that this and
other prosecutions were generally blamed; for the public feeling was
strong in favour of the liberty of the press. Boyer's _Reign of Queen
Anne_, p. 286.
[256] Pemberton, as I have elsewhere observed, permitted evidence to
be given as to the truth of an alleged libel in publishing that Sir
Edmondbury Godfrey had murdered himself. And what may be reckoned more
important, in a trial of the famous Fuller on a similar charge, Holt
repeatedly (not less than five times) offered to let him prove the
truth if he could. _State Trials_, xiv. 534. But, on the trial of
Franklin, in 1731, for publishing a libel in the _Craftsman_, Lord
Raymond positively refused to admit of any evidence to prove the
matters to be true; and said he was only abiding by what had been
formerly done in other cases of the like nature. _Id._ xvii. 659.
[257] See the pamphlets of that age, _passim_. One of these, entitled
"The Zealous and Impartial Protestant," 1681, the author of which,
though well known, I cannot recollect, after much invective, says,
"Liberty of conscience and toleration are things only to be talked of
and pretended to by those that are under; but none like or think it
reasonable that are in authority. 'Tis an instrument of mischief and
dissettlement, to be courted by those who would have change, but no
way desirable by such as would be quiet, and have the government
undisturbed. For it is not consistent with public peace and safety
without a standing army; conventicles being eternal nurseries of
sedition and rebellion."--P. 30. "To strive for toleration," he says
in another place, "is to contend against all government. It will come
to this; whether there should be a government in the church or not?
for if there be a government, there must be laws; if there be laws,
there must be penalties annexed to the violation of those laws;
otherwise the government is precarious and at every man's mercy; that
is, it is none at all.... The constitution should be made firm,
whether with any alterations or without them, and laws put in punctual
vigorous execution. Till that is done all will signify nothing. The
church hath lost all through remissness and non-execution of laws; and
by the contrary course things must be reduced, or they never will. To
what purpose are parliaments so concerned to prepare good laws, if the
officers who are intrusted with the execution neglect that duty, and
let them lie dead? This brings laws and government into contempt, and
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