Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 3 of 3Hallam, Henry
History
Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 3 of 3
Hallam, Henry
Constitutional history -- Great Britain
In Sir Humphrey Mackworth's [or perhaps Mr. Harley's] "Vindication of
the Rights of the Commons of England, 1701," _Somers Tracts_, xi. 276,
the constitutional doctrine is thus laid down, according to the spirit
of the recent act of settlement. "As to the setting of the great seal
of England to foreign alliances, the lord chancellor, or lord keeper
for the time being, has a plain rule to follow; that is, humbly to
inform the king that he cannot legally set the great seal of England
to a matter of that consequence unless the same be first debated and
resolved in council; which method being observed, the chancellor is
safe, and the council answerable."--P. 293.
[277] This very delicate question as to the responsibility of the
cabinet, or what is commonly called the ministry _in solidum_, if I
may use the expression, was canvassed in a remarkable discussion
within our memory, on the introduction of the late chief justice of
the King's Bench into that select body; Mr. Fox strenuously denying
the proposition, and Lord Castlereagh, with others now living,
maintaining it. _Parl. Debates_, A.D. 1806. I cannot possibly
comprehend how an article of impeachment, for sitting as a cabinet
minister could be drawn; nor do I conceive that a privy counsellor has
a right to resign his place at the board; so that it would be highly
unjust and illegal to presume a participation in culpable measures
from the mere circumstance of belonging to it. Even if notoriety be a
ground, as has been sometimes contended, for impeachment, it cannot be
sufficient for conviction.
[278] Anne, c. 8; 6 Anne, c. 7.
[279] This is the modern usage, but of its origin I cannot speak. On
one remarkable occasion, while Anne was at the point of death, the
Dukes of Somerset and Argyle went down to the council-chamber without
summons to take their seats; but it seems to have been intended as an
unexpected manœuvre of policy.
[280] It is provided by 1 G. 1, st. 2, c. 4, that no bill of
naturalisation shall be received without a clause disqualifying the
party from sitting in parliament, etc., "for the better preserving the
said clause in the said act entire and inviolate." This provision,
which is rather supererogatory, was of course intended to show the
determination of parliament not to be governed, ostensibly at least,
by foreigners under their foreign master.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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