Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 3 of 3Hallam, Henry
History
Constitutional History of England, Henry VII to George II. Volume 3 of 3
Hallam, Henry
Constitutional history -- Great Britain
behalf, to change the fundamental order of succession to the
Crown.[108] Nothing indeed can more forcibly paint the desperation of
the popish faction than their entertainment of so preposterous a
scheme. But it naturally increased the solicitude of William about the
intrigues of the English cabinet. It does not appear that any direct
overtures were made to the Prince of Orange, except by a very few
malcontents, till the embassy of Dykvelt from the States in the spring
of 1687. It was William's object to ascertain, through that minister,
the real state of parties in England. Such assurances as he carried
back to Holland gave encouragement to an enterprise that would have
been equally injudicious and unwarrantable without them.[109] Danby,
Halifax, Nottingham, and others of the tory, as well as whig factions,
entered into a secret correspondence with the Prince of Orange; some
from a real attachment to the constitutional limitations of monarchy;
some from a conviction that, without open apostasy from the protestant
faith, they could never obtain from James the prizes of their
ambition. This must have been the predominant motive with Lord
Churchill, who never gave any proof of solicitude about civil liberty;
and his influence taught the Princess Anne to distinguish her interest
from those of her father. It was about this time also that even
Sunderland entered upon a mysterious communication with the Prince of
Orange; but whether he afterwards served his present master only to
betray him, as has been generally believed, or sought rather to
propitiate, by clandestine professions, one who might in the course of
events become such, is not perhaps what the evidence already known to
the world will enable us to determine.[110] The apologists of James
have often represented Sunderland's treachery as extending back to the
commencement of this reign, as if he had entered upon the king's
service with no other aim than to put him on measures that would
naturally lead to his ruin. But the simpler hypothesis is probably
nearer the truth: a corrupt and artful statesman could have no better
prospect for his own advantage than the power and popularity of a
government which he administered; it was a conviction of the king's
incorrigible and infatuated adherence to designs which the rising
spirit of the nation rendered utterly infeasible, an apprehension
that, whenever a free parliament should be called, he might experience
the fate of Strafford as an expiation for the sins of the Crown, which
determined him to secure as far as possible his own indemnity upon a
revolution that he could not have withstood.[111]
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