In its earlier period, before the emancipation of the serfs, the Russian
revolutionary movement was largely inspired by an extravagant
idealization of the perfections of the rural commune, and now since the
emancipation it is fed far more formidably by an actual experience of
the commune's defects. The truth is that the communistic land system of
Russia, so far from preventing the birth of a proletariat, is now of
itself begetting the most numerous and the most helpless proletariat in
the world. The emancipation dues would have been a serious burden under
any social arrangements, but they have proved so much heavier under the
communistic system of Russia than they would have been elsewhere that
the system itself is beginning to give way. With an unlimited stock of
good land, all is plain sailing under any social institutions; but when
land is limited in extent and every new-comer has the right to cut in
and get an equal share with those already in possession, excessive
subdivision is inevitable, and the point is soon reached where any fresh
impost or outgoing destroys the profitableness of cultivation, and
converts the right to the land from an asset into a liability. This is
what is now happening in Russia. It appears there are already more
paupers in St. Petersburg proportionally to population than in any other
European capital, and as many as a third of the inhabitants of the
provinces are either entirely landless, or, more unhappy still, find
their land, instead of a benefit, to be only a grievous burden of which
they cannot shake themselves clear. I shall have occasion later on to
recur to this new economic development in rural Russia, which is very
interesting to the student of socialism on its own account, but which
will concern us in the present chapter more particularly in its bearing
on the operations and prospects of the revolutionary party in that
country.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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