Continental Monthly, Vol. 4, No 3, September 1863: Devoted to Literature and National PolicyVarious
History
Continental Monthly, Vol. 4, No 3, September 1863: Devoted to Literature and National Policy
Various
Literature, Modern -- 19th century -- Periodicals; United States -- Politics and government -- 19th century -- Periodicals
then to escape the conclusion, that, in recognizing this confederacy,
England ranges herself on the side of slavery, and does all she can to
maintain and perpetuate it in America. Nor is this all. She violates a
great moral rule, and a well settled principle of international law, to
maintain and perpetuate slavery in the South. By the law of nations, the
recognition of national independence is the acknowledgment of the fact
of independence. But, we have seen, that the States composing this
so-called league, are not independent, but are held, to a vast extent,
by our army and navy, including two thirds of their area. Never was
independence acknowledged under such circumstances, except as an act of
war. The acknowledgment then of the confederate independence, in the
present posture of affairs, is, in fact, _a declaration of war by
England against the United States, without cause or justification_. It
would be so universally regarded in the United States, and would
instantly _close all dissensions in the North_. If any suppose that
England, without any just cause, should thus strike us with the
iron-gauntleted hand, and that we will not resist, let the history of
the past answer the question. Nor would the union of France, in such an
act, change the result, except that nearly all the loss and sacrifice
would fall upon England. Including the slaves and free blacks, there is
not a single seceded State, in which an overwhelming majority of the
people are not for the Union. Now, by the Federal Constitution, slaves
are mentioned only three times, and then not as slaves, but as
'_persons_,' and the Supreme Court of the United States have expressly
decided that slaves, so far as regards the United States, _are persons,
and not property_. (Groves _vs._ Slaughter, 15 Peters, 392.) _All
persons_, in every State, owe a paramount allegiance to the United
States, the rebel masters, as well as their slaves--the Government has a
right to their services to suppress the rebellion; and to acknowledge
the independence of the South, is to ignore the existence of the slaves,
or to treat them, as the South do, as chattels, and not persons. In
acknowledging, then, Southern independence, the independence of the
_masters_, England expressly recognizes the doctrine of _property in
man_. Such a war, proclaimed by England and France against the United
States on such grounds, would be a war of their _Governments_--not of
their _peoples_, and could have but one termination. As to our
recognition of the independence of Texas, it was long after the decisive
battle of San Jacinto,--when the Mexican army was destroyed or captured,
together with the President, when he acknowledged their independence,
the Mexican Government, by accepting the advantages stipulated by him,
in fact, and in law, ratified the recognition. It was after all this,
when the contest was over, not a Mexican vessel on the coast of Texas,
nor a Mexican soldier upon her soil, that we recognized the independence
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