Continental Monthly, Vol. III, No IV, April 1863: Devoted to Literature and National PolicyVarious
General
Continental Monthly, Vol. III, No IV, April 1863: Devoted to Literature and National Policy
Various
Literature, Modern -- 19th century -- Periodicals; United States -- Politics and government -- 19th century -- Periodicals
when, as is often the case in long and tedious wars, the dispiriting
influence of delays and occasional defeats work erroneous conclusions in
the minds of the people, leading to unjust accusations against the men
in power, and an unwillingness to frankly acknowledge that the evil too
often originated where the result most immediately occurred. In other
words, our armies have often suffered simply and for no other reason
than that they were outgeneralled on the field of battle, or overpowered
by military causes for which no one is to blame--least of all, the
President or his advisers.
And here let one word be said against the arguments of those
well-meaning and patriotic men who attempt to prove that certain acts of
the Government have been injudicious and unwise--such, for example, as
the suspension of the habeas corpus, the alleged illegal arrests, and
the emancipation policy. It is not the purpose of this paper to enter
into additional argument to sustain this opinion or to disprove it. But
in justice to the Government--simply because it is a Government--let it
not be forgotten that when events heretofore unforeseen and unprepared
for are throwing our vast nation into incalculable confusion, and when
it becomes absolutely imperative that the head of the Government must
act decisively and according to the promptness of his honest judgment,
and when we know equally well that that judgment, be it what it may,
cannot accord with the various and diverse opinions of _all_ men, then
it behooves his countrymen, if not to acquiesce in, to support whatever
that honest judgment may decide to be best for the emergency. No doubt,
errors have been made, but they are errors inconceivably less in their
results than would be the unpardonable sin of the people, should they,
because differing in opinion, weaken the hands and confuse the purposes
of the powers that be. With secret and treacherous foes in our very
midst, hidden behind the masks of a painted loyalty, the President,
after deep and earnest consultation and reflection, deemed it his duty
to authorize arrests under circumstances which he solemnly believed were
the best adapted to arrest the evil, though, by so doing, many good and
innocent men might temporarily suffer with the bad. So too with regard
to the proclamation of freedom--be the step wise or unwise, and there is
by no means a unity of sentiment on this head--the President conceived
it to be the duty of his office--a duty which never entered into his
plans or intentions until the war had increased to gigantic and
threatening proportions--to level a blow at what he and millions of his
countrymen believe to be the stronghold of the enemy, viz., that system
of human servitude which nourished the body politic and social now
standing in armed and fearful resistance to the Constitution and the
laws. It matters not, so far as opinion goes, whether the step was wise
or foolish, if the executive head deemed it wise. Nor was it a hasty or
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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