Corruption in American politics and lifeBrooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
History
Corruption in American politics and life
Brooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
Political corruption -- United States; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
The question of campaign publicity involves, of course, the further
question as to what organisations and officials shall make reports
of contributions and expenditures. In a general way this duty,
which originally was laid only upon candidates has been extended
sweepingly to party committees and similar bodies. The language of the
congressional bill referred to above is extremely broad, but it does
not settle all the questions that may arise on this point. Associations
may be formed which without nominating candidates of their own or
undertaking other definitely partisan activities may nevertheless
profoundly affect the outcome of an election. A curious illustration
of this point may be found in the Missouri law of 1907,[82] which
provided that civic leagues making reports on the fitness of candidates
for public office must also publish the basis of their information
and file statements of their expenses. It is manifest that leagues
of this character, which seldom if ever nominate candidates of their
own, may nevertheless come under the control of contributing interests
and use their considerable influence to affect elections corruptly.
Other illustrations are supplied by large organisations devoted to the
propaganda of a given cause. In a tariff campaign, for example, both
free trade and protectionist leagues might raise and expend enormous
sums in a way that would materially affect the result at the polls.
There is at least the possibility of evasion and trouble in this
direction, mitigated, however, by the fact that in general the work
of propagandist leagues will be educational and free from grosser
offences such as bribery of voters. Finally there is the possibility of
large direct individual expenditures by warm friends or near relatives
in favour of a given candidacy. This was met in the congressional bill
by requiring reports of expenditures by persons other than members
of campaign committees in excess of $50, not, however, including
travelling expenses or postage, telegraph, and telephone charges.[83]
Legislation compelling all contributors to make their contributions
through campaign committees,[84] or forbidding the direct use of money
by individuals may suffice to overcome this difficulty if it should
ever become threatening.
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