Corruption in American politics and lifeBrooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
History
Corruption in American politics and life
Brooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
Political corruption -- United States; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
With these exceptions contributions by candidates are in general
free from legal regulation. There have been comparatively few great
exposures to awaken the public conscience to the abuses that have
grown up in this connection, but as to the widespread and extremely
scandalous nature of these abuses no one who is in the least familiar
with practical politics can have the slightest doubt. Broadly
considered any large contribution by a candidate toward his own
election is manifestly indelicate, not to say frankly improper. Custom
has rendered us so familiar with this practice, however, that we are
inclined to accept it as a matter of course. There is a certain
gambling spirit inherent in politics which is profoundly potent for
evil. Primarily this is due, of course, to the inevitable uncertainties
of campaigning. No single factor contributes to it more largely than
the habit of “assessing” candidates for office. Honest and able men
are frequently repelled from politics when they encounter this system.
Some of them may hesitate to make the material sacrifices involved and
are consequently deemed miserly by the politicians, although it is
not the amount of money demanded but rather the uses to which these
men know the money will be put that leads them to withdraw. It is not
too much to maintain that the conditions now existing in many places
are worse than the property qualifications once required by law to
make one eligible to hold office. Our present “voluntary” contribution
system, rendered practically obligatory by party authorities, is more
burdensome on the candidate than a property qualification because
it requires him not only to have property but also to sacrifice a
considerable part of it to obtain office or the chance of office. The
old property qualifications were really lighter and more democratic
since they merely required prospective office holders to own so
much, and all who possessed more than this fixed sum were eligible
equally. The existing system which allows voluntary contributions
by candidates unlimited as to amount is equivalent to a property
qualification interpreted in the light of the prospective generosity
of the candidate. Party managers are continually under temptation to
name the man who has the more money and can be expected to make the
larger contribution. Of course this does not mean that the man with
the biggest “bar’l” is always nominated. Other qualifications such as
the man’s education, character, and equipment for campaigning, must be
taken into account as well as his ability and inclination to pay. Or if
one candidate is placed on the ticket solely because of his liberality
the general average must be raised by a larger admixture of brains and
character on the part of his running mates. So long as candidates’
contributions are unlimited as to amount we are, nevertheless, openly
tolerating conditions which give the maximum effect to wealth as a
qualification for public office.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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