Corruption in American politics and lifeBrooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
History
Corruption in American politics and life
Brooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
Political corruption -- United States; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
such conditions any academic tendency either toward servility or toward
demagogy is not likely to go long unchallenged.
Considering the high cost and small profits of university manipulation
in this light it is very doubtful whether so indirect a method of
social defence would appeal to our financial pirates. Whatever
their defects or vices, men of this type have at least received the
rigorous training of the business career. They are not philosophers of
farsighted vision, nor are they easily perturbed by fears of distant
dangers. Troubles near at hand they see very clearly; indeed, one of
the chief grounds of clamour against such men is the crass directness
of the bribery to which on occasion they resort. Interests under fire
appeal rather to political hirelings, to venal lawyers, to the courts,
to legislatures, or to the press for effective protection and defence.
College doctrines are too remote, too uncertain of manipulation to be
of assistance. Although they did not learn it from the poet, business
men are certainly not unmindful that:
“was ein Professor spricht
Nicht gleich zu allen dringet.”
Given both the motive and the means, however, the task of corrupting
the college teaching of economic, political, and social doctrines would
seem almost hopelessly difficult. A given institution, may, indeed,
be endowed almost exclusively by a certain man of great wealth. With
very few exceptions knowledge of such munificence is made public
property. If then the president or professors of such a university
should endeavour to justify or palliate the business conduct of the
founder their motives will be suspected from the start and their
arguments, however artfully they might plead the case, discounted
accordingly. If discretion were thrown to the winds (there is perhaps
one case of this sort) the net effect of the work of such apologists,
instead of aiding their financial friends, might profoundly injure
and embarrass them. Those who are familiar with the character of
the American student know that he would be the first to detect any
insincerity in the discussion of public questions by an instructor or
college official. If the prosperity of the college were due almost
entirely to a single bounteous donor its venal professors would, of
course, have no direct motive to defend the economic misconduct of any
other than their particular friend among the captains of industry.
Possibly they might develop a policy similar to that of newspapers in
the same predicament,—silence or soft speaking regarding the sins of
their great and rich friend combined with louder trumpetings against
the social misconduct of other and indifferent financial interests. In
the case of all our important institutions of learning, however, funds
of very considerable size in the aggregate have been received from
many sources in the past, and new gifts, even when they are of large
amount, represent merely fractional additions thereto. Those who know
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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