Corruption in American politics and lifeBrooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
History
Corruption in American politics and life
Brooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
Political corruption -- United States; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
So many factors co-operated in bringing about the business evils under
consideration that the quality of corruption cannot always be ascribed
to them directly. Under a policy of _laisser faire_, of unlimited
competition, of public indifference and apathy, it is not easy to fix
moral responsibility. Even the twentieth mean man at any given time
may be only a little meaner than several of his nineteen competitors.
His offences are dictated by self-interest, of course, but they are
offences against a vague set of business customs or moral principles.
Public interest suffers, it is true, but the public is apathetic; it
has not laid down definite norms of business conduct. On the part of
the offender there is often lacking that conscious and purposeful
subordination of public to private interest which constitutes full
fledged corruption. Whatever degree of extenuation is afforded by
these considerations vanishes, however, when definite regulation is
undertaken by the state. Now that we are fairly launched upon an
era of legislative and administrative control, business offences of
the kind under consideration are frankly corrupt. Public apathy has
vanished, the interest of the public has been sharply defined, and he
who in contravention of these norms places his private gain above the
general welfare does so with full intent, and cannot evade or shift the
accusation of corruption.
A further consequence of the effort to regulate business practice by
law is not only intrinsically important but also serves as the great
connecting link between primarily economic and political corruption
proper. As soon as regulation is undertaken by the state a motive is
supplied to the still unterrified twentieth mean man to break the law
or to bribe its executors. In either case, by the way, the profits are
directly conditioned by the thoroughness with which his competitors
are restrained from following his own malpractices. The scales
employed by tariff officials may be tampered with in the interests of
large importers whose profits are thereby enormously increased. Or
inspectors may be bribed to pass infected carcasses, to approve impure
milk, to permit get-rich-quick concerns to use the mails, to wink at
lead weighted life preservers, to ignore the fact that the exits of
a theatre are entirely inadequate. With cases where state regulation
supplied the motive for the direct commission of fraud we are not
directly concerned here, but in all the cases where the collusion of
inspectors is involved we have to note that government regulation of
business has made easy the transmutation of what before was merely
corrupt and morally offensive into direct bribery. And from the point
of view of a venal official or political machine the extension of state
control means the widening of the opportunities for levying tribute.
Thus a form of corruption which began among, and for a time was limited
to, business relations becomes under regulation a menace to political
integrity.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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