Cotton is king, and pro-slavery arguments : $b comprising the writings of Hammond, Harper, Christy, Stringfellow, Hodge, Bledsoe, and Cartwright, on this important subject
History
Cotton is king, and pro-slavery arguments : $b comprising the writings of Hammond, Harper, Christy, Stringfellow, Hodge, Bledsoe, and Cartwright, on this important subject
Scott, Dred, 1809-1858; Slavery -- Justification; Slavery -- United States; United States -- Fugitive slave law (1850)
But how shall England, in this measure, preserve her "traditional
policy," in which she pledged herself no longer to cherish slave labor.
This will be very easily done. She need not authorize slavery in Western
Africa; but as it already exists among all the tribes "by local law,"
she has only to recognize their independence, and bargain with the
chiefs for all the cotton they can force their slaves to produce. This
has already been done, by Englishmen, at several points in Africa, and
will doubtless be resorted to in many other portions of that country.
The moral responsibility of establishing slavery permanently in Africa,
will thus be thrown upon the chiefs and kings, as it has heretofore been
upon the American planter; and Great Britain can reap all the advantages
of the increased production of slave labor cotton, while her moralists
can easily satisfy the conscience of the people at home, by declaiming
against the system which secures to them their bread.
Here now the policy of British statesmen can be comprehended. They must
have cotton. The products of free labor would be preferred, but as it
can not be had, in sufficient quantities, they must take that of slave
labor. To allow the American planter to supply this want, by renewing
the slave trade, would ruin India and benefit America. To save India,
and, at the same time, to secure the cotton demanded by the
manufacturers, slavery is to be encouraged in Africa; and this is to be
done as a means not only of preventing the slave trade, and checking the
extension of slavery in America, but of multiplying the fields of cotton
cultivation--a policy very essential to the wants of the British nation.
Thus, slavery is to be promoted in Africa as an effectual means of
checking it in America; it is to be converted into a blessing there, and
made instrumental in wiping out its curse here!
And this, now, is the result of England's philanthropic efforts for
African freedom. Her economical errors, in West Indian emancipation, are
to be repaired by the permanent establishment of slavery in Africa! But
what must be the practical moral effect of her policy? What must be the
opinion entertained of the negro race, when Great Britain abandons her
policy in reference to them? This is not hard to divine. It will wipe
out the odium she has managed to cast upon the system; and, so far as
her example is concerned, will justify the American planter in refusing
to emancipate his slaves. Her conduct is a practical acknowledgment of
the Southern theory of the African race--that slavery is their normal
condition, otherwise she must have adopted the same policy in West
Africa that she has in South Africa.
But before closing this part of our investigations, it may be well to
examine the claims of Great Britain in relation to her humanity towards
the African, or any of the inferior races doomed to lives of toil--such
as the coolies of India and the laborers of China.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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