Cotton is king, and pro-slavery arguments : $b comprising the writings of Hammond, Harper, Christy, Stringfellow, Hodge, Bledsoe, and Cartwright, on this important subject
History
Cotton is king, and pro-slavery arguments : $b comprising the writings of Hammond, Harper, Christy, Stringfellow, Hodge, Bledsoe, and Cartwright, on this important subject
Scott, Dred, 1809-1858; Slavery -- Justification; Slavery -- United States; United States -- Fugitive slave law (1850)
And should the anti-slavery voters succeed in gaining the political
ascendency in these Territories, and bring them as free States
triumphantly into the Union; what can they do, but turn in, as all the
rest of the Western States have done, and help to feed slaves, or those
who manufacture or who sell the products of the labor of slaves. There
is no other resource left, either to them or to the older free States,
without an entire change in almost every branch of business and of
domestic economy. Reader, look at your bills of dry goods for the year,
and what do they contain? At least three-fourths of the amount are
French, English, or American cotton fabrics, woven from slave labor
cotton. Look at your bills for groceries, and what do they contain?
Coffee, sugar, molasses, rice--from Brazil, Cuba, Louisiana, Carolina;
while only a mere fraction of them are from free labor countries. As now
employed, our dry goods' merchants and grocers constitute an immense
army of agents for the sale of fabrics and products coming, directly or
indirectly, from the hand of the slave; and all the remaining portion of
the people, free colored, as well as white, are exerting themselves,
according to their various capacities, to gain the means of purchasing
the greatest possible amount of these commodities. Nor can the country,
at present, by any possibility, pay the amount of foreign goods
consumed, but by the labor of the slaves of the planting States. This
can not be doubted for a moment. Here is the proof:
Commerce supplied us, in 1853, with foreign articles, for consumption,
to the value of $250,420,187, and accepted, in exchange, of our
provisions, to the value of but $33,809,126; while the products of our
slave labor, manufactured and unmanufactured, paid to the amount of
$133,648,603, on the balance of this foreign debt. This, then, is the
measure of the ability of the Farmers and Planters, respectively, to
meet the payment of the necessaries and comforts of life, supplied to
the country by its foreign commerce. The farmer pays, or seems only to
pay, $33,800,000, while the planter has a broad credit, on the account,
of $133,600,000.
This was true in 1853: is it so in 1859? The amounts are not now the
same, but the proportions have not varied materially. Reference to Table
VIII, in the Appendix, will show, that while the provisions exported,
for the three years preceding 1859, amounted to a yearly average of
$67,512,812, the value of the cotton and tobacco exported, during the
same period, amounted to an annual average of $147,079,647.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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