Cotton is king, and pro-slavery arguments : $b comprising the writings of Hammond, Harper, Christy, Stringfellow, Hodge, Bledsoe, and Cartwright, on this important subject
History
Cotton is king, and pro-slavery arguments : $b comprising the writings of Hammond, Harper, Christy, Stringfellow, Hodge, Bledsoe, and Cartwright, on this important subject
Scott, Dred, 1809-1858; Slavery -- Justification; Slavery -- United States; United States -- Fugitive slave law (1850)
The condition of the free colored people can now be understood. The
results, in their case, are vastly different from what was anticipated,
when British philanthropists succeeded in West India emancipation. They
are very different, also, from what was expected by American
abolitionists: so different, indeed, that their disappointment is fully
manifested, in the extracts made from their published documents. As an
apology for the failure, it seems to be their aim to create the belief,
that the dreadful moral depravation, existing in the West Indies, is
wholly owing to the demoralizing tendencies of slavery. They speak of
this effect as resulting from laws inherent in the system, which have no
exceptions, and must be equally as active in the United States as in the
British colonies. But in their zeal to cast odium on slavery, they prove
too much--for, if this be true, it follows, that the slave population of
the United States must be equally debased with that of Jamaica, and as
much disqualified to discharge the duties of freemen, as both have been
subjected to the operations of the same system. This is not all. The
logic of the argument would extend even to our free colored people, and
include them, according to the American Missionary Association, in the
dire effects of "that enduring legacy which, with its foul, pestilential
influences, still blights, like the mildew of death, every thing in
society that should be lovely, virtuous, and of good report." Now, were
it believed, generally, that the colored people of the United States are
equally as degraded as those of Jamaica, upon what grounds could any one
advocate the admission of the blacks to equal social and political
privileges with the whites? Certainly, no Christian family or community
would willingly admit such men to terms of social or political equality!
This, we repeat, is the logical conclusion from the Reports of the
American Missionary Association and the American and Foreign
Anti-Slavery Society--a conclusion, too, the more certain, as it makes
no exceptions between the condition of the colored people under the
slavery of Jamaica and under that of the United States.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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