Cotton is king, and pro-slavery arguments : $b comprising the writings of Hammond, Harper, Christy, Stringfellow, Hodge, Bledsoe, and Cartwright, on this important subject
History
Cotton is king, and pro-slavery arguments : $b comprising the writings of Hammond, Harper, Christy, Stringfellow, Hodge, Bledsoe, and Cartwright, on this important subject
Scott, Dred, 1809-1858; Slavery -- Justification; Slavery -- United States; United States -- Fugitive slave law (1850)
Mr. Locke, as we have seen, defines the state of nature to be one of
"perfect freedom." Why, then, should we leave it? "If man, in the state
of nature, be so free," says he, "why will he part with his freedom? To
which it is obvious to answer," he continues, "that though, in the state
of nature, he hath such a right, _yet the enjoyment of it is very
uncertain_, and constantly exposed to the invasion of others; for all
being kings as much as he, every man his equal, and the greater part not
strict observers of equity and justice, the enjoyment of the property he
has in this state is very unsafe, very insecure. This makes him willing
to quit a condition which, _however free, is full of fears and continual
dangers_; and it is not without reason that he seeks out, and is willing
to join in society with, others who are already united, or have a mind
to unite, _for the mutual preservation of their lives, liberties, and
estates_, which I call by the general name _property_."[140] What! can
that be a state of perfect freedom which is subject to fears and
perpetual dangers? In one word, can a reign of terror be the reign of
liberty? It is evident, we think, that Locke has been betrayed into no
little inaccuracy and confusion of thought from not having distinguished
between rights and liberty.
The truth seems to be that, in a state of nature, we would possess
rights, but we could not enjoy them. That is to say, notwithstanding all
our rights, we should be destitute of freedom or liberty. Society
interposes the strong arm of the law to protect our rights, to secure
us in the enjoyment of them. She delivers us from the alarms, the
dangers, and the violence of the natural state. Hence, under God, she is
the mother of our peace and joy, by whose sovereign rule anarchy is
abolished and liberty established. Liberty and social law can never be
dissevered. Liberty, robed in law, and radiant with love, is one of the
best gifts of God to man. But liberty, despoiled of law, is a wild,
dark, fierce spirit of licentiousness, which tends "to uproar the
universal peace."
Hence it is a frightful error to regard the civil state or government as
antagonistic to the natural liberty of mankind; for this is, indeed, the
author of the very liberty we enjoy. Good government it is that
restrains the elements of tyranny and oppression, and introduces liberty
into the world. Good government it is that shuts out the reign of
anarchy, and secures the dominion of equity and goodness. He who would
spurn the restraints of law, then, by which pride, and envy, and hatred,
and malice, ambition, and revenge are kept within the sacred bounds of
eternal justice,--he, we say, is not the friend of human liberty. He
would open the flood-gates of tyranny and oppression; he would mar the
harmony and extinguish the light of the world. Let no such man be
trusted.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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