Cotton is king, and pro-slavery arguments : $b comprising the writings of Hammond, Harper, Christy, Stringfellow, Hodge, Bledsoe, and Cartwright, on this important subject
History
Cotton is king, and pro-slavery arguments : $b comprising the writings of Hammond, Harper, Christy, Stringfellow, Hodge, Bledsoe, and Cartwright, on this important subject
Scott, Dred, 1809-1858; Slavery -- Justification; Slavery -- United States; United States -- Fugitive slave law (1850)
This great problem, as we have seen, is to be decided, not by an appeal
to the inalienable rights of men, but simply and solely by a reference
to the general good. It is to be decided, not by the aid of abstractions
alone; a little good sense and _practical sagacity_ should be allowed to
assist in its determination. There are inalienable rights, we
admit--inalienable both because the individual cannot transfer them, and
because society can never rightfully deprive any man of their enjoyment.
But life and liberty are _not_ "among these." There are inalienable
rights, we admit, but then such abstractions are the edge-tools of
political science, with which it is dangerous for either men or children
to play. They may inflict deep wounds on the cause of humanity; they can
throw no light on the great problem of slavery.
One thing seems to be clear and fixed; and that is, that the rights of
the individual are subordinate to those of the community. _An
inalienable right is a right coupled with a duty; a duty with which no
other obligation can interfere._ But, as we have seen, it is the _duty_,
and consequently, the _right_, of society to make such laws as the
general good demands. This inalienable right is conferred, and its
exercise enjoined, by the Creator and Governor of the universe. All
individual rights are subordinate to this inherent, universal, and
inalienable right. It should be observed, however, that in the exercise
of this paramount right, this supreme authority, no society possesses
the power to contravene the principles of justice. In other words, it
should be observed that no unjust law can ever promote the public good.
Every law, then, which is not unjust, and which the public good demands,
should be enacted by society.
But we have already seen and shall still more fully see, that the law
which ordains slavery is not unjust in itself, or, in other words, that
it interferes with none of the inalienable rights of man. Hence, if it
be shown that the public good, and especially the good of the slave,
demands such a law, then the question of slavery will be settled. We
purpose to show this before we have done with the present discussion.
And if, in the prosecution of this inquiry, we should be so fortunate as
to throw only one steady ray of light on the great question of slavery,
by which the very depths of society have been so fearfully convulsed, we
shall be more than rewarded for all the labor which, with no little
solicitude, we have felt constrained to bestow upon an attempt at its
solution.
§ VII. _Conclusion of the first chapter._
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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