Critical and Historical Essays — Volume 1Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
History
Critical and Historical Essays — Volume 1
Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
English literature -- History and criticism; Great Britain -- History
We think, not only that the Commons were justified in demanding for
themselves the power to dispose of the military force, but that it would
have been absolute insanity in them to leave that force at the disposal
of the King. From the very beginning of his reign, it had evidently been
his object to govern by an army. His third Parliament had complained,
in the Petition of Right, of his fondness for martial law, and of the
vexatious manner in which he billeted his soldiers on the people. The
wish nearest the heart of Strafford was, as his letters prove, that the
revenue might be brought into such a state as would enable the King to
keep a standing military establishment. In 1640 Charles had supported
an army in the northern counties by lawless exactions. In 1641 he had
engaged in an intrigue, the object of which was to bring that army to
London for the purpose of overawing the Parliament. His late conduct had
proved that, if he were suffered to retain even a small body-guard of
his own creatures near his person, the Commons would be in danger of
outrage, perhaps of massacre. The Houses were still deliberating under
the protection of the militia of London. Could the command of the whole
armed force of the realm have been, under these circumstances, safely
confided to the King? Would it not have been frenzy in the Parliament
to raise and pay an army of fifteen or twenty thousand men for the Irish
war, and to give to Charles the absolute control of this army, and the
power of selecting, promoting, and dismissing officers at his pleasure?
Was it not probable that this army might become, what it is the
nature of armies to become, what so many armies formed under much
more favourable circumstances have become, what the army of the Roman
republic became, what the army of the French republic became, an
instrument of despotism? Was it not probable that the soldiers might
forget that they were also citizens, and might be ready to serve their
general against their country? Was it not certain that, on the very
first day on which Charles could venture to revoke his concessions, and
to punish his opponents, he would establish an arbitrary government, and
exact a bloody revenge?
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