Critical and Historical Essays — Volume 2Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
History
Critical and Historical Essays — Volume 2
Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
English literature -- History and criticism; Great Britain -- History
Though, however, we think that the Whigs of Anne’s reign were, as a
body, far superior in wisdom and public virtue to their contemporaries
the Tories, we by no means hold ourselves bound to defend all the
measures of our favourite party. A life of action, if it is to be
useful, must be a life of compromise. But speculation admits of no
compromise. A public man is often under the necessity of consenting
to measures which he dislikes, lest he should endanger the success of
measures which he thinks of vital importance. But the historian lies
under no such necessity. On the contrary, it is one of his most sacred
duties to point out clearly the errors of those whose general conduct he
admires.
It seems to us, then, that, on the great question which divided England
during the last four years of Anne’s reign, the Tories were in the
right, and the Whigs in the wrong. That question was, whether England
ought to conclude peace without exacting from Philip a resignation of
the Spanish crown?
No parliamentary struggle, from the time of the Exclusion Bill to the
time of the Reform Bill, has been so violent as that which took place
between the authors of the Treaty of Utrecht and the War Party. The
Commons were for peace; the Lords were for vigorous hostilities. The
Queen was compelled to choose which of her two highest prerogatives
she would exercise, whether she would create Peers, or dissolve the
Parliament.
The ties of party superseded the ties of neighbourhood and of blood. The
members of the hostile factions would scarcely speak to each other, or
bow to each other. The women appeared at the theatres bearing the badges
of their political sect. The schism extended to the most remote counties
of England. Talents, such as had seldom before been displayed in
political controversy, were enlisted in the service of the hostile
parties. On one side was Steele, gay, lively, drunk with animal spirits
and with factious animosity, and Addison, with his polished satire, his
inexhaustible fertility of fancy, and his graceful simplicity of style.
In the front of the opposite ranks appeared a darker and fiercer spirit,
the apostate politician, the ribald priest, the perjured lover, a heart
burning with hatred against the whole human race, a mind richly stored
with images from the dung-hill and the lazar-house. The ministers
triumphed, and the peace was concluded. Then came the reaction. A new
sovereign ascended the throne. The Whigs enjoyed the confidence of the
King and of the Parliament. The unjust severity with which the Tories
had treated Marlborough and Walpole was more than retaliated. Harley and
Prior were thrown into prison; Bolingbroke and Ormond were compelled to
take refuge in a foreign land. The wounds inflicted in this desperate
conflict continued to rankle for many years. It was long before the
members of either party could discuss the question of the peace of
Utrecht with calmness and impartiality. That the Whig ministers had sold
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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