Critical and Historical Essays — Volume 2Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
History
Critical and Historical Essays — Volume 2
Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
English literature -- History and criticism; Great Britain -- History
aptitude for secular functions. Without being blind admirers either of
the French or of the American institutions, we think it clear that the
persons and property of citizens are better protected in France and in
New England than in almost any society that now exists, or that has ever
existed; very much better, certainly, than in the Roman Empire under the
orthodox rule of Constantine and Theodosius. But neither the Government
of France, nor that of New England, is so organised as to be fit for the
propagation of theological doctrines. Nor do we think it improbable
that the most serious religious errors might prevail in a state which,
considered merely with reference to temporal objects, might approach
far nearer than any that has ever been known to the idea of what a state
should be.
But we shall leave this abstract question, and look at the world as we
find it. Does, then, the way in which governments generally obtain
their power make it at all probable that they will be more favourable
to orthodoxy than to heterodoxy? A nation of barbarians pours down on a
rich and unwarlike empire, enslaves the people, portions out the land,
and blends the institutions which it finds in the cities with those
which it has brought from the woods. A handful of daring adventurers
from a civilised nation wander to some savage country, and reduce the
aboriginal race to bondage. A successful general turns his arms against
the State which he serves. A society made brutal by oppression, rises
madly on its masters, sweeps away all old laws and usages, and when its
first paroxysm of rage is over, sinks down passively under any form
of polity which may spring out of the chaos. A chief of a party, as
at Florence, becomes imperceptibly a sovereign, and the founder of a
dynasty. A captain of mercenaries, as at Milan, seizes on a city, and
by the sword makes himself its ruler. An elective senate, as at Venice,
usurps permanent and hereditary power. It is in events such as these
that governments have generally originated; and we can see nothing in
such events to warrant us in believing that the governments thus called
into existence will be peculiarly well fitted to distinguish between
religious truth and heresy.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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