Critical, Historical, and Miscellaneous Essays; Vol. 3: With a Memoir and IndexMacaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
History
Critical, Historical, and Miscellaneous Essays; Vol. 3: With a Memoir and Index
Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
English literature -- History and criticism; Great Britain -- History
We cannot quite
admit his explanation; but the fact is indisputable. Since the accession
of George the First, there have been four Princes of Wales, and they
have all been almost constantly in Opposition.
Whatever might have been the motives which induced Prince Frederic to
join the party opposed to the government, his support infused into
many members of that party a courage and an energy of which they stood
greatly in need. Hitherto it had been impossible for the discontented
Whig! not to feel some misgivings when they found themselves dividing,
night after night, with uncompromising Jacobites who were known to be
in constant communication with the exiled family, or with Tories who had
impeached Somers, who had murmured against Harley and St. John as too
remiss in the cause of the Church and the landed interest, and who, if
they were not inclined to attack the reigning family, yet considered
the introduction of that family as, at best, only the less of two great
evils, as a necessary but painful and humiliating preservative against
Popery. The Minister might plausibly say that Pulteney and Carteret, in
the hope of gratifying their own appetite for office and for revenge,
did not scruple to serve the purposes of a faction hostile to the
Protestant {209}succession. The appearance of Frederic at the head of
the patriots silenced this reproach. The leaders of the Opposition
might now boast that their course was sanctioned by a person as deeply
interested as the King himself in maintaining the Act of Settlement,
and that, instead of serving the purposes of the Tory party, they had
brought that party over to the side of Whiggism. It must indeed be
admitted that, though both the King and the Prince behaved in a manner
little to their honour, though the father acted harshly, the son
disrespectfully, and both ‘childishly, the royal family was rather
strengthened than weakened by the disagreement of its two most
distinguished members. A large class of politicians, who had considered
themselves as placed under sentence of perpetual exclusion from
office, and who, in their despair, had been almost ready to join in a
counter-revolution as the only mode of removing the proscription under
which they lay, now saw with pleasure an easier and safer road to power
opening before them, and thought it far better to wait till, in the
natural course of things, the Crown should descend to the heir of the
House of Brunswick, than to risk their lands and their necks in a rising
for the House of Stuart. The situation of the royal family resembled the
situation of those Scotch families in which father and son took opposite
sides during the rebellion, in order that, come what might, the estate
might not be forfeited.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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