Critical, Historical, and Miscellaneous Essays; Vol. 4: With a Memoir and IndexMacaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
History
Critical, Historical, and Miscellaneous Essays; Vol. 4: With a Memoir and Index
Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
English literature -- History and criticism; Great Britain -- History
To punish public outrages on morals and religion is unquestionably
within the competence of rulers. But when a government, not content with
requiring decency, requires sanctity, it oversteps the bounds which mark
its proper functions. And it may be laid down as a universal rule that
a government which attempts more than it ought will perform less. A
lawgiver who, in order to protect distressed borrowers, limits the rate
of interest, either makes it impossible for the objects of his care
to borrow at all, or places them at the mercy of the worst class of
usurers. A lawgiver who, from tenderness for labouring men, fixes the
hours of their work and the amount of their wages, is certain to make
them far more wretched than he found them. And so a government which,
not content with repressing scandalous excesses, demands from its
subjects fervent and austere piety, will soon discover that, while
attempting to render an impossible service to the cause of virtue, it
has in truth only promoted vice. {363}For what are the means by which
a government can effect its ends? Two only, reward and punishment;
powerful means, indeed, for influencing the exterior act, but altogether
impotent for the purpose of touching the heart. A public functionary who
is told that he will be promoted if he is a devout Catholic, and turned
out of his place if he is not, will probably go to mass every morning,
exclude meat from his table on Fridays, shrive himself regularly, and
perhaps let his superiors know that he wears a hair shirt next his
skin. Under a Puritan government, a person who is apprised that piety is
essential to thriving in the world will be strict in the observance of
the Sunday, or, as he will call it, Sabbath, and will avoid a theatre as
if it were plague-stricken. Such a show of religion as this the hope
of gain and the fear of loss will produce, at a week’s notice, in
any abundance which a government may require. But under this show,
sensuality, ambition, avarice, and hatred retain unimpaired power, and
the seeming convert has only added to the vices of a man of the world
all the still darker vices which are engendered by the constant practice
of dissimulation. The truth cannot be long concealed. The public
discovers that the grave persons who are proposed to it as patterns are
more utterly destitute of moral principle and of moral sensibility than
avowed libertines. It sees that these Pharisees are farther removed from
real goodness than publicans and harlots. And, as usual, it rushes
to the extreme opposite to that which it quits. It considers a high
religious profession as a sure mark of meanness and depravity. On the
very first day on which the restraint of fear is taken away, and on
which men can venture to say what they think, a frightful peal of
blasphemy {364}and ribaldry proclaims that the short-sighted policy
which aimed at making a nation of saints has made a nation of scoffers.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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