Critical, Historical, and Miscellaneous Essays; Vol. 6: With a Memoir and IndexMacaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
History
Critical, Historical, and Miscellaneous Essays; Vol. 6: With a Memoir and Index
Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
English literature -- History and criticism; Great Britain -- History
On both points they are mistaken. We are convinced that there is not, in
any quarter, a feeling unfriendly to them, or an indisposition to give a
fair consideration to their interests. The honest, but uninformed zeal,
of individuals, may sometimes break forth into intemperate expressions:
But the great body of the people make a wide distinction between the
class of which we speak and the Colonial mob. Let it be their care to
preserve that distinction indelible.
We call for their support. They are our natural allies. Scarcely have
the Ministers of the Crown, scarcely have the Abolitionists themselves,
been more rancorously abused by the orators of Jamaica, than those
persons. The objects of the two classes are wholly different. The one
consists of English gentlemen, naturally solicitous to preserve the
source from which they derive a part of their revenue. The other is
composed, in a great measure, of hungry adventurers, who are too poor
to buy the pleasure of tyranny, and are therefore attached to the only
system under which they can enjoy it gratis. The former wish only to
secure their possessions; the latter are desirous to perpetuate the
oppressive privileges of the white skin. Against those privileges let us
declare interminable war, war for ourselves, and for our children,
and for our grand-children,--war without peace--war without truce--war
without quarter! But we respect the rights of property as much as we
detest the prerogatives of colour.
We {328}entreat these respectable persons to reflect on the precarious
nature of the tenure by which they hold their property. Even if it were
in their power to put a stop to this controversy,--if the subject of
slavery were no longer to occupy the attention of the British public,
could they think themselves secure from ruin? Are no ominous signs
visible in the political horizon? How is it that they do not discern
this time? All the ancient fabrics of colonial empire are falling
to pieces. The old equilibrium of power has been disturbed by the
introduction of a crowd of new States into the system. Our West-India
posessions are not now surrounded, as they formerly were, by the
oppressed and impoverished colonies of a superannuated monarchy, in
the last stage of dotage and debility, but by young, and vigorous, and
warlike republics. We have defended our colonies against Spain. Does it
therefore follow that we shall be able to defend them against Mexico or
Hayti? We are told, that a pamphlet of Mr. Stephen, or a speech of Mr.
Brougham, is sufficient to excite all the slaves in our colonies to
rebel. What, then, would be the effect produced in Jamaica by the
appearance of three or four Black regiments, with thirty or forty
thousand stand of arms? The colony would be lost. Would it ever be
recovered? Would England engage in a contest for that object, at so vast
a distance, and in so deadly a climate? Would she not take warning by
the fate of that mighty expedition which perished in St. Domingo? Let
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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