Current History: A Monthly Magazine of the New York Times, May 1918: Vol. VIII, Part I, No. 2Various
History
Current History: A Monthly Magazine of the New York Times, May 1918: Vol. VIII, Part I, No. 2
Various
World War, 1914-1918
Mr. Asquith said he would suspend judgment until he saw the bill in
print. He invited every one to keep his mind and ears accessible to
reasonable argument. At the conclusion of Mr. Asquith's speech, Joseph
Devlin moved an adjournment and warned the Government that it was
entering upon a course of madness if it endeavored to inforce
conscription on Ireland. His motion was defeated later by a vote of 323
to 80.
Mr. Dillon said he hoped for the sake of the war and for the sake of the
empire that the methods of the War Cabinet in dealing with the war were
different from its methods in dealing with Ireland. A bill applying
conscription to Ireland, Mr. Dillon continued, would plunge the country
into bloodshed and confusion and would open a new war front in addition
to the western front. He urged the War Cabinet to inform itself as to
the state of Irish feeling before proposing conscription to Ireland.
Leave to introduce the Government's Man-Power bill was carried after
further hot debate by 299 to 80.
Russia and the Allies
The Russian and the French Revolution Compared--The Gloomy Outlook of
Russia
By Arthur J. Balfour
_British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs_
[FROM AN ADDRESS DELIVERED IN PARLIAMENT MARCH 14, 1918]
The inference that Russia would have been kept in the war if we had
announced that we proposed to go in for the status quo ante and
readjustments is wrong. Pronouncements made by Russian statesmen always
included self-determination. Self-determination can never be squared
with mere adjustments. It may be that self-determination might
conceivably receive a large measure of fulfillment, I agree, up to a
certain point, but that Russian statesmen by their declarations have
materially limited the scope of the war I believe to be inaccurate. But
whether accurate or not, one is entirely misrepresenting the political
and social forces of Russia if he thinks that the reason Russia went out
of the war was that our war aims were not publicly or semi-publicly
reconsidered in concert with the Allies.
I do not profess to have a remedy for the misfortunes that have
occurred--as I think to civilization itself--from the fact that the
Russian revolution occurred in the middle of a European war. I welcome
the change from autocracy to what we hoped and still hope, what we
believed and still believe, is going to be a reign of ordered liberty.
But the revolution, unfortunately, came at a time when Russia was weary
with the sacrifices of a great war, and it was mixed up and almost
overshadowed on its political side by the pacifist influences which were
allowed to reign uncontrolled in the army and navy and all the other
forces which might and should have been co-ordinated to resist the
common enemy.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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