Current History: A Monthly Magazine of the New York Times, May 1918: Vol. VIII, Part I, No. 2Various
History
Current History: A Monthly Magazine of the New York Times, May 1918: Vol. VIII, Part I, No. 2
Various
World War, 1914-1918
Before I discuss Mr. Wilson's last utterances I would like to clear up
one misunderstanding. In my last speech which I delivered before the
Austrian delegations I replied to an inquiry in this connection that
probably Mr. Wilson was already in possession of my utterances. Later
Mr. Wilson corrected this, and pointed out that there must be some
mistake. I had prepared my speech beforehand, so as to avoid any
possibility of its being incorrectly or incompletely transmitted, and at
the moment I made my speech I supposed that it had already reached
Washington. Apparently, however, it only arrived there some days later.
This does not affect the matter itself. My object was to assure that the
President of the United States should get the exact text of my speech,
and this object was attained and the trifling delay of a few days was a
matter of indifference.
With regard to Mr. Wilson's reply, I can only say that I consider it
very important that the German Chancellor, in his admirable speech of
Feb. 25, took the answer out of my mouth and declared that the four
points developed by Mr. Wilson in his speech of Feb. 11 are the basis
upon which a general peace can be discussed. I entirely agree with him
in this.
President Wilson's four points are a suitable basis upon which to begin
negotiating about a general peace. The question is whether or not Mr.
Wilson will succeed in uniting his allies upon this basis.
SAYS FRANCE ASKED TERMS
God is my witness that we have tried everything possible to avoid a new
offensive. The Entente would not have it. A short time before the
beginning of the offensive in the west M. Clemenceau inquired of me
whether and upon what basis I was prepared to negotiate. I immediately
replied, in agreement with Berlin, that I was ready to negotiate, and
that as regards France I saw no other obstacle for peace than France's
desire for Alsace-Lorraine.
The reply from Paris was that France was willing to negotiate only on
that basis. There was then no choice left.
The gigantic struggle in the west has already begun. Austro-Hungarian
and German troops are fighting shoulder to shoulder as they did in
Russia, Serbia, Rumania, and Italy. We are fighting united for the
defense of Austria-Hungary and Germany. Our armies will show the Entente
that French and Italian aspirations to portions of our territory are
Utopias which will be terribly avenged.
The explanation of this attitude of the Entente Powers, which verges on
lunacy, is to a great extent to be sought in certain domestic events
here, to which I shall return later. Whatever may happen, we shall not
sacrifice German interests any more than Germany will desert us. Loyalty
on the Danube is not less than German loyalty. We are not fighting for
imperialist or annexationist ends, either for ourselves or for Germany,
but we shall act together to the end for our defense, for our political
existence and for our future.
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