Current History: A Monthly Magazine of the New York Times, May 1918: Vol. VIII, Part I, No. 2Various
History
Current History: A Monthly Magazine of the New York Times, May 1918: Vol. VIII, Part I, No. 2
Various
World War, 1914-1918
Herr von Jagow answered that Russia was not ready, that there would be
some fuss, but that the more firmly we held to Austria the sooner would
Russia give way. Austria, he said, had already accused us of flabbiness,
(flaumacherei,) and so we must not get into a mess. Opinion in Russia,
he added, was becoming more and more pro-German, so we must just take
the risks. In view of this attitude, which, as I subsequently found out,
was the result of Count Pourtalès's reports that Russia would in no
circumstances move, and caused us to urge Count Berchtold to the
greatest possible energy, I hoped for salvation in English intervention,
as I knew Sir Edward Grey's influence with St. Petersburg in the
direction of peace could prevail. I availed myself, therefore, of my
good relations with the British Foreign Minister to beg him
confidentially to advise moderation on the part of Russia in case
Austria, as appeared probable, should demand satisfaction from the
Serbians.
In the beginning the attitude of the English press toward the Austrians
was quiet and friendly, as the murder was condemned. Little by little,
however, voices increased in number insisting that, however necessary
the punishment of a crime might be, no elaboration of it for a political
purpose could be justified. Austria was urgently called upon to act with
moderation. The whole world outside Berlin and Vienna understood that it
meant war, and world war. The British fleet, which happened to be
assembled for review, was not demobilized.
GERMANY FORCES WAR
The Serbian answer corresponded with British efforts, for actually M.
Pashitch had accepted all but two points, about which he was prepared to
negotiate. Had England and Russia wanted war in order to fall upon us,
a hint to Belgrade would have been given, and the unspeakable note would
have remained unanswered. Sir Edward Grey went through the Serbian
answer with me, and pointed out the conciliatory attitude of the
Belgrade Government. We even discussed his proposal for intervention,
which should insure an interpretation of these two points acceptable to
both parties. With Sir Edward Grey presiding, M. Cambon, the Marquis
Imperiali, and I were to meet, and it would have been easy to find an
acceptable form for the points under discussion, which were mainly
concerned with the part to be taken by Austrian officials in the
inquiries at Belgrade. With good-will all could have been cleared up in
two or three sittings, and a simple acknowledgment of the British
proposal would have brought about a détente and further improved our
relations with England. I therefore urged it forcibly, as otherwise a
world war stood at our gates.
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