Current History, Vol. VIII, No. 3, June 1918: A Monthly Magazine of the New York TimesVarious
History
Current History, Vol. VIII, No. 3, June 1918: A Monthly Magazine of the New York Times
Various
World War, 1914-1918
On the other hand, every free man instinctively appreciates that if
we are to maintain the standard of civilization as worked out by the
free men of the world, and if posterity is to be guaranteed
political and industrial freedom, the war must be won by the allied
countries. Peace now would be the fulfillment of the Prussian dream,
for they have within their grasp the very heart of Continental
Europe and resources which would make sure further conquest upon the
other nations of the world.
The American labor movement, in whose behalf my colleagues and
myself have been authorized to speak, declare most emphatically that
they will not agree to a peace conference with the enemies of
civilization, irrespective of what cloak they wear, until Prussian
militarism has withdrawn within its own boundaries, and then not
until the Germans have, through proper representatives, proved to
our satisfaction that they recognize the right of peoples and
civilized nations to determine for themselves what shall be their
standard.
Unless reconstruction shall soon come from the German workers within
that country, it is now plain that the opportunity to uproot the
agencies of force will only come when democracy has defeated
autocracy in the military field and wins the right to reconstruct
the relations between nations and men.
German freedom is ultimately the problem of the German people, but
the defeat of Prussian autocracy in the field will bring the
opportunity for German liberty at home.
BRITISH SEAMEN'S ATTITUDE
J. Havelock Wilson, President of the British Seamen's Union, conferred
with the American Mission at London, April 30, and informed it of the
decision of his union to transport no pacifists to any peace conference.
He made the following statement:
On Sept. 21, 1917, we formed what we called a Merchant Seamen's
League, and declared that if German terrorism on the sea continued
we would enforce a boycott against Germany for two years after the
war, and that for every new crime from that time on we would add one
month to the length of the boycott. The length of the boycott now
stands at five years seven months. We have reliable information that
this action is making a very profound impression on German
manufacturers and shippers.
The British seamen got their first intimation of German treachery
when the international transport strike was first proposed by German
delegates ostensibly to pledge support. But the British learned
later that the German delegates had in their pockets as they talked
contracts signed with employers.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Elsewhere in the archive
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account