They say the children of that time had little models of the guillotine to
play with. The statement is picturesque and presumably false, but it will
serve well for a simile. A man unused to action, dreaming of a perfect
state which was but a reflection of his own intensely concentrated mind,
acquired the control of the guillotine. Unfortunately the model was of
full size.
The punishment of death had hitherto been inflicted, for the most part,
with a clear and definite, though often with an immoral, object. In the
hands of Robespierre it was used to defend a theory and a whim. The men
of the time loved their country ardently, and believed with the firmness
of a large and generous faith in those principles upon which all our
civilisation is at present based. France and the Republic were, in their
minds, one thing, and a thing which they spared no means to make survive
the most terrible struggle into which any nation has ever dared to enter.
They killed that they might be obeyed in a time which verged on anarchy,
and they desired to be obeyed because, but for obedience to government,
France and all her liberties would have perished. Such a motive for
punishment is just, and its execution is honest.
By the side of this and beyond it were the excesses, those excesses in
protest against which Danton himself had died. Execrable as were these,
infamous as will ever remain their most conspicuous actors, Hébert and
Carrier, they were prompted by a motive which is of the commonest and the
most easily understood in human affairs. They were actions of revenge.
Danton had said once and sincerely, “I can find no use for hate.” It was
the key to his successful effort, by far the most creative in a time
when all was energy, that no part of his strength was lost in personal
attack, hardly any in personal defence. This could no more be said of
his contemporaries than it can be said of the bulk of men in any nation,
even in times of order and of peace. And everywhere, in Nantes, in Lyons,
in the Vendée, in the accusation of Marie Antoinette, from the very
beginning of the Terror, this hate had surged and broken. The Girondins
were put to death on a charge full of the spirit of revenge; and as the
autumn grew into winter, in the very crisis of that oppression by which
the nation had been saved, the accusations became trivial, the process
of justice more and more of a personal act, depending in the provinces
on the temper of an emissary, in Paris upon the summary judgment of the
Committee and the Tribunal.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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