Definitions in Political Economy,: Preceded by an Inquiry Into the Rules which Ought to Guide Political Economists in the Definition and Use of Their Terms; with Remarks on the Deviation from These Rules in Their WritingsMalthus, T. R. (Thomas Robert)
General
Definitions in Political Economy,: Preceded by an Inquiry Into the Rules which Ought to Guide Political Economists in the Definition and Use of Their Terms; with Remarks on the Deviation from These Rules in Their Writings
Malthus, T. R. (Thomas Robert)
Classical school of economics; Economics
_Def. 5._ Two articles are never exchanged with each other without a
previous estimation being formed of the value of each, by a reference to
the wants of mankind and the means of production. This general and most
important relation to the means of production, and the labour which
represents these means, seems to be quite forgotten by those who imagine
that there is no relation implied when the value of a commodity is
mentioned without specific reference to some other commodity.
M. Say, under the head _Valeur des Choses_, observes, “c’est la quantité
d’autres choses évaluables qu’on peut obtenir en échange d’elle.”[97]
This is a most vague and uncertain definition, and much less
satisfactory than the general power of purchasing.
M. Storch says, that “la valeur des choses, c’est leur utilité
relative;” but this certainly cannot be said unless we completely change
the natural and ordinary meaning either of utility or value.
Neither M. Say nor M. Storch has sufficiently distinguished utility,
wealth, and value.
_Def. 6._ The term creation is not here meant to apply to the creation
of matter, but to the creation and production of the objects which have
been defined to be wealth.
_Defs. 11 and 12._ If wealth be confined to material objects, it must be
allowed to be peculiarly convenient and useful, in explaining the causes
of the wealth of nations, to have some appropriate term for that species
of labour which directly produces wealth; and as the principal founder
of the science of political economy has used the terms _productive
labour_ in the restricted sense necessary for this special purpose,
perhaps few objections would have been made to it, if it had not
involved all other kinds of labour, however useful and important, under
the apparently disparaging designation of unproductive. This is a
consequence, no doubt, to be regretted: yet, when it has been repeatedly
stated that the term unproductive, as applied by Adam Smith, in no
degree impeaches the utility and importance of such labour, but merely
implies that it does not directly produce gross wealth, the mere name
ought not to decide against a classification for which it appears from
experience that it is very difficult to find a satisfactory substitute.
In M. Storch’s “_Considérations sur la Nature du Revenu National_,” he
does not appear to me to give a correct view of what Adam Smith means by
productive labour.[98] The difficulty of classification above alluded to
appears strikingly in this treatise. There is some plausibility in the
system, and it is explained with ingenuity and ability; but I think that
the adoption of it would destroy all precision in the science of
political economy.
_Defs. 19 and 20._ I have never been able to understand how the
accumulation of capital and the difference between saving and spending
can be distinctly explained, if we call all labour equally productive.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Elsewhere in the archive
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account