Democracy in America — Volume 1Tocqueville, Alexis de
History
Democracy in America — Volume 1
Tocqueville, Alexis de
Democracy -- United States; United States -- Politics and government; United States -- Social conditions
When the head of the executive power is re-eligible, it is the State
which is the source of intrigue and corruption—The desire of being
re-elected the chief aim of a President of the United
States—Disadvantage of the system peculiar to America—The natural evil
of democracy is that it subordinates all authority to the slightest
desires of the majority—The re-election of the President encourages
this evil.
It may be asked whether the legislators of the United States did right
or wrong in allowing the re-election of the President. It seems at
first sight contrary to all reason to prevent the head of the executive
power from being elected a second time. The influence which the talents
and the character of a single individual may exercise upon the fate of
a whole people, in critical circumstances or arduous times, is well
known: a law preventing the re-election of the chief magistrate would
deprive the citizens of the surest pledge of the prosperity and the
security of the commonwealth; and, by a singular inconsistency, a man
would be excluded from the government at the very time when he had
shown his ability in conducting its affairs.
But if these arguments are strong, perhaps still more powerful reasons
may be advanced against them. Intrigue and corruption are the natural
defects of elective government; but when the head of the State can be
re-elected these evils rise to a great height, and compromise the very
existence of the country. When a simple candidate seeks to rise by
intrigue, his manoeuvres must necessarily be limited to a narrow
sphere; but when the chief magistrate enters the lists, he borrows the
strength of the government for his own purposes. In the former case the
feeble resources of an individual are in action; in the latter, the
State itself, with all its immense influence, is busied in the work of
corruption and cabal. The private citizen, who employs the most immoral
practices to acquire power, can only act in a manner indirectly
prejudicial to the public prosperity. But if the representative of the
executive descends into the combat, the cares of government dwindle
into second-rate importance, and the success of his election is his
first concern. All laws and all the negotiations he undertakes are to
him nothing more than electioneering schemes; places become the reward
of services rendered, not to the nation, but to its chief; and the
influence of the government, if not injurious to the country, is at
least no longer beneficial to the community for which it was created.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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