Democracy in America — Volume 1Tocqueville, Alexis de
History
Democracy in America — Volume 1
Tocqueville, Alexis de
Democracy -- United States; United States -- Politics and government; United States -- Social conditions
It is easy to perceive in what manner these differences must act upon
the position and the rights of the judicial bodies in the three
countries I have cited. If in France the tribunals were authorized to
disobey the laws on the ground of their being opposed to the
constitution, the supreme power would in fact be placed in their hands,
since they alone would have the right of interpreting a constitution,
the clauses of which can be modified by no authority. They would
therefore take the place of the nation, and exercise as absolute a sway
over society as the inherent weakness of judicial power would allow
them to do. Undoubtedly, as the French judges are incompetent to
declare a law to be unconstitutional, the power of changing the
constitution is indirectly given to the legislative body, since no
legal barrier would oppose the alterations which it might prescribe.
But it is better to grant the power of changing the constitution of the
people to men who represent (however imperfectly) the will of the
people, than to men who represent no one but themselves.
It would be still more unreasonable to invest the English judges with
the right of resisting the decisions of the legislative body, since the
Parliament which makes the laws also makes the constitution; and
consequently a law emanating from the three powers of the State can in
no case be unconstitutional. But neither of these remarks is applicable
to America.
In the United States the constitution governs the legislator as much as
the private citizen; as it is the first of laws it cannot be modified
by a law, and it is therefore just that the tribunals should obey the
constitution in preference to any law. This condition is essential to
the power of the judicature, for to select that legal obligation by
which he is most strictly bound is the natural right of every
magistrate.
In France the constitution is also the first of laws, and the judges
have the same right to take it as the ground of their decisions, but
were they to exercise this right they must perforce encroach on rights
more sacred than their own, namely, on those of society, in whose name
they are acting. In this case the State-motive clearly prevails over
the motives of an individual. In America, where the nation can always
reduce its magistrates to obedience by changing its constitution, no
danger of this kind is to be feared. Upon this point, therefore, the
political and the logical reasons agree, and the people as well as the
judges preserve their privileges.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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