Dio's Rome, Volume 2: An Historical Narrative Originally Composed in Greek During the Reigns of Septimius Severus, Geta and Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabalus and Alexander Severus: and Now Presented in English FormCassius Dio Cocceianus
History
Dio's Rome, Volume 2: An Historical Narrative Originally Composed in Greek During the Reigns of Septimius Severus, Geta and Caracalla, Macrinus, Elagabalus and Alexander Severus: and Now Presented in English Form
Cassius Dio Cocceianus
Rome -- History
he did no harm to its citizens he more easily won over some other places
by his display of equal readiness in opposite contingencies.
[-52-] So he became strong again. Pompey did not institute an immediate
pursuit, for his antagonist had withdrawn suddenly by night and had
hastily crossed the Genusus river: however, he was strongly inclined to
think that he had subdued him completely. Consequently he assumed the
name of imperator, though he made no boast of it and did not even wind
laurel about his fasces, disliking to show such exultation over the
downfall of citizens. Consistently with this same attitude he neither
sailed to Italy himself nor sent any others there, though he might
easily have reduced the whole peninsula. As regards a fleet he was
absolute master, for he had five hundred swift ships and could touch at
many points at once: and the sentiment of that country was not opposed
to him, nor, if it had been ever so hostile, could the people have been
a match for him in war. But he wished to remain at a distance, so as to
get the reputation of fighting for his land, and did not see fit to
cause any fear to the persons who then in Rome. Hence he made no attempt
on Italy, not even sending to the government any despatch about his
successes. But after this he set out against Caesar and came to Thessaly.
[-53-] As they lay opposite each other the appearance of the camps bore,
indeed, some resemblance of war, but the use of arms was suspended as in
time of peace. As they reviewed the greatness of the danger and foresaw
the obscurity and uncertainty of the issue, and still stood in some awe
of their common ancestry and kinship, they were led to delay. Meanwhile
they exchanged propositions about friendship and appeared to some likely
to become reconciled without accomplishing anything. This was due to the
fact that they were both reaching out for supreme dominion and were
influenced by a great deal of native ambition and a great deal of
acquired rivalry,--for men can least endure to be outdone by their
equals and intimates; they were not willing to make any concessions to
each other, since each felt that he might win, nor could they feel any
confidence, if they did come to terms, that they would not be always
yearning for the advantage and fall into strife again over complete
control. [-54-] In temper they differed from each other to this
extent,--that Pompey desired to be second to no man and Caesar to be
first of all, and the former was anxious to be honored by willing
subjects and to preside over and be loved by a people fully consenting,
whereas the latter cared not at all if he ruled over an unwilling nation
and issued orders to men that hated him, and bestowed the honors with
his own hand upon himself. The deeds, however, through which they hoped
to accomplish all that they wished, were perforce common to both alike.
For it was impossible that either one of them should succeed without
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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