Discourses on the First Decade of Titus LiviusMachiavelli, Niccolò
Philosophy
Discourses on the First Decade of Titus Livius
Machiavelli, Niccolò
Livy. Ab urbe condita; Political science -- Early works to 1800; Rome -- Historiography
But returning to the matter under consideration, we have, in connection
with the creation of this new office, to note, that if those cities
which, as was the case with Rome, have had their beginning in freedom,
and have by themselves maintained that freedom, have experienced great
difficulty in framing good laws for the preservation of their
liberties, it is little to be wondered at that cities which at the
first were dependent, should find it not difficult merely but
impossible so to shape their ordinances as to enable them to live free
and undisturbed. This difficulty we see to have arisen in the case of
Florence, which, being subject at first to the power of Rome and
subsequently to that of other rulers, remained long in servitude,
taking no thought for herself; and even afterwards, when she could
breathe more freely and began to frame her own laws, these, since they
were blended with ancient ordinances which were bad, could not
themselves be good; and thus for the two hundred years of which we have
trustworthy record, our city has gone on patching her institutions,
without ever possessing a government in respect of which she could
truly be termed a commonwealth.
The difficulties which have been felt in Florence are the same as have
been felt in all cities which have had a like origin; and although,
repeatedly, by the free and public votes of her citizens, ample
authority has been given to a few of their number to reform her
constitution, no alteration of general utility has ever been
introduced, but only such as forwarded the interests of the party to
which those commissioned to make changes belonged. This, instead of
order, has occasioned the greatest disorder in our city.
But to come to particulars, I say, that among other matters which have
to be considered by the founder of a commonwealth, is the question into
whose hands should be committed the power of life and death over its
citizens’ This was well seen to in Rome, where, as a rule, there was a
right of appeal to the people, but where, on any urgent case arising in
which it might have been dangerous to delay the execution of a judicial
sentence, recourse could be had to a dictator with powers to execute
justice at once; a remedy, however, never resorted to save in cases of
extremity. But Florence, and other cities having a like origin,
committed this power into the hands of a foreigner, whom they styled
Captain, and as he was open to be corrupted by powerful citizens this
was a pernicious course. Altering this arrangement afterwards in
consequence of changes in their government, they appointed eight
citizens to discharge the office of Captain. But this, for a reason
already mentioned, namely that a few will always be governed by the
will of a few and these the most powerful, was a change from bad to
worse.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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