The _first_ task for them was to actually visit the Negro families within the compass of the particular meeting;[1213] the _second_, to determine as exactly as possible the economic status of the home;[1214] the _third_, to ascertain the number of children capable of receiving schooling;[1215] _fourth_, to inform themselves as to the attitude of the parents towards their children’s education;[1216] _fifth_, to deal with members of Friends who possessed slaves or paid servants, endeavoring to point out to them the obligation for their education, and also for their freedom;[1217] _sixth_, to inform themselves as to the occupation pursued by the Negroes, if any;[1218] and _finally_, to make a report of conditions, in such shape that it might be transmitted to the quarterly meeting, and outline the plan of procedure, according to the demands of the situation.[1219] From such a range of information, considering the characteristic thoroughness of the people, it must be inferred that they were able to understand the needs, which is always a first requisite for their satisfaction. Moreover, the knowledge that the quarterly meetings demanded written statements of what they had done always worked to facilitate prompt action as soon as the situation was defined. Rather late in the century, 1779, the yearly meeting became insistent as to the treatment of those who held slaves, though the punishment for failure to educate them was not so drastic. Extracts sent to the meetings in that year required that all members holding slaves should be disowned.[1220] Instances where this punishment was used are not wanting.[1221] [Sidenote: Support similar to that of other schools] The financial burden of Negro education usually fell on the local meeting. Those owning slaves were required to pay for their education, but when they became free, as most of them did by the time of the Revolution, it was impossible for them to pay for themselves. This burden, which the society assumed, was usually met: (1) by subscription,[1222] (2) by special legacies, and (3) by income from investments in property. In the smaller localities, the first was the predominate means; in the larger, such as Philadelphia, a larger proportion was derived from the second and third,[1223] though the first was common to all. [Sidenote: Negro education at Exeter] The situation at Exeter Monthly Meeting seems to have been well disposed of, if one may judge by the brevity of their annals. Writing, 1764, in answer to an inquiry on the part of Philadelphia Quarterly Meeting, to which they belonged, they report: But one negro amongst us, who has sufficient food and raiment, but his religious education is still neglected, which is now under notice.[1224] In 1758 they had reported two Negroes only, and with substantially the same comments.[1225] The report may either mean they had no problem at the outset, or that they were remarkably successful in their attempt to solve it.