Ecclesiastical History of England, Volume 5—The Church of the RevolutionStoughton, John
History
Ecclesiastical History of England, Volume 5—The Church of the Revolution
Stoughton, John
Great Britain -- Church history
At whose door lay the responsibility of defeating this particular
attempt at the solution of a long-agitated question? The responsibility
must be divided. It is difficult to get at a thorough knowledge of
the views and aims of different parties interested in the subject.
The spirit of intrigue, a habit of insincerity, and an employment
of double-dealing, which cast such thick clouds around what was in
many respects a “glorious Revolution,” influenced the minds of those
who took part in the proceedings. Credit may be given to such men as
Compton, Burnet, and others, for an honest intention to promote union;
but I am at a loss to understand the Earl of Nottingham,[135] who
introduced the Bill to the Lords, and who, being a High Churchman,
must, one would suppose, have been inimical to at least some of its
provisions. Still more difficult is it to understand the conduct of
certain nonjuring Bishops, who, before they withdrew from the House,
moved in favour of a comprehension, as well as the connivance of
Sancroft, in allowing his name to be mentioned in connection with it.
Reresby says some of the Prelates who supported the Bill did so more
from fear than inclination;[136] and Burnet declares, “those who had
moved for this Bill, and afterwards brought it into the House, acted a
very disingenuous part; for while they studied to recommend themselves
by this show of moderation, they set on their friends to oppose it; and
such as were very sincerely and cordially for it, were represented as
the enemies of the Church, who intended to subvert it.”[137]
[Sidenote: 1689.]
As to the Nonjurors, it was believed at the time that they would
not have been dissatisfied if any innovation upon forms, or any
encroachment on clerical authority, had furnished a pretext for
dividing the Church. But this belief was indignantly denounced
afterwards as utterly false by one of the Nonjurors.[138] The whole
atmosphere seems to have been laden with duplicity; and when the
measure came down to the Lower House, with the apparent sanction of
the Upper, there is reason to believe that if not the parents, yet the
nurses and sponsors of the Bill had no objection to have the child
perish in its cradle. Some, charged with this kind of infidelity,
excused themselves on the ground of what they called the manifest
partiality shown by certain of the Court Lords to the Dissenters.[139]
[Sidenote: COMPREHENSION.]
The objections offered by some of the Lords related to the details, not
to the principle of the Bill, and no formal opposition seems to have
been made to it by the Commons. They had appeared at first friendly
enough to the general measure, and when they abandoned it, they did
so under cover of desiring a meeting of Convocation, which might
efficiently deal with the subject. The hapless infant died, not from
violence, but neglect; not through blows dealt by an open enemy, but
from want of nursing on the part of those pledged to cherish it.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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