Eclectic Magazine of Foreign Literature, Science, and Art, May 1885Various
History
Eclectic Magazine of Foreign Literature, Science, and Art, May 1885
Various
American literature -- Periodicals; Literature -- Periodicals
weakness in the conduct of affairs which will encourage those rivals
to overt acts of offence and encroachment that must ultimately lead to
bloody wars in defence of those national interests which a policy of
vacillation and of moral inconsistency will have imperilled. Sooner or
later, it is certain that the force of events will rip off the thin
veneering of cant which had served to delude the ignorant masses, and
to conceal either the stupidity or the insincerity of its professors. I
say stupidity, for there can be little doubt that among those who guide
the destinies of the nation are many who honestly share the belief with
the public they help to mislead, that to shrink from responsibilities,
to temporise in the face of danger, to make sacrifices and concessions
in order to conciliate, will avert catastrophes instead of
precipitating them; while there are others to whose common-sense it
would be an insult to make any such assumption.”
“But these others,”I observed, “may, without any insult to their
common-sense, be supposed to entertain the opinion that the possessions
of the British empire are sufficiently extended and difficult to
protect, to render any further annexation of territory, or acquisition
of responsibility, undesirable.”
“Doubtless; and in this I agree with them. Indeed, the incapacity
they have shown to protect what they have got, is the best reason
they could assign for being unwilling to have more; but it does not
touch the question of the principle upon which England’s policy should
be based in her dealings with foreign nations, and with her own
colonial possessions; in other words, what are the most economical
and at the same time the most moral methods of self-preservation? I
put economy before morality, because, whatever may be the professions
of Governments in practice, as a consideration, it always precedes
it. If bloodguiltiness was not always attended with so much expense,
people’s consciences would be far less sensitive on the subject. Hence
it happens that highly moral financiers are apt to regard things as
wicked in the degree in which they are costly, while they are too
short-sighted as statesmen to perceive that a prompt expenditure is
often the best way of saving a far heavier amount, which must be
the result of the delay—or, in homely phraseology, that a stitch in
time saves nine. The most economical and the most moral method of
self-preservation, then, will be found in consolidating, protecting,
and extending the commercial position and moral influence of the great
English-speaking people in all quarters of the globe. At this moment,
though surrounded by enemies who envy and hate her, there is no country
more safe from attack than Germany, because she is governed by a
statesman who never shirks responsibility, cowers before danger, or,
in moments of difficulty, takes refuge in compromise or concession.
It is not England, with her horror of war, that has, during the last
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