decide by whom, or in what manner, or on what conditions, everything
needed should be produced, transported, exchanged, and consumed? Truly,
there may be much suffering within the walls of Paris--poverty, despair,
perhaps starvation, causing more tears to flow than ardent charity
is able to dry up; but I affirm that it is probable, nay, that it is
certain, that the arbitrary intervention of government would multiply
infinitely those sufferings, and spread over all our fellow-citizens
those evils which at present affect only a small number of them.
This faith, then, which we repose in a principle, when the question
relates only to our home transactions, why should we not retain, when
the same principle is applied to our international transactions, which
are undoubtedly less numerous, less delicate, and less complicated?
And if it is not necessary that the _préfecture_ should regulate our
Parisian industries, weigh our chances, balance our profits and losses,
see that our circulating medium is not exhausted, and equalize the
conditions of our home labour, why should it be necessary that the
Customhouse, departing from its fiscal duties, should pretend to
exercise a protective action over our external commerce?
XIX. NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE.
Among the arguments which we hear adduced in favour of the restrictive
_régime_, we must not forget that which is founded on _national
independence_.
"What should we do in case of war," it is said, "if we are placed at the
mercy of England for iron and coal?"
English monopolists do not fail to cry out in their turn:
"What would become of Great Britain, in case of war, if she is dependent
on France for provisions?"
One thing is overlooked, which is this--that the kind of dependence
which results from exchange, from commercial transactions, is a
_reciprocal dependence_. We cannot be dependent on the foreigner without
the foreigner being dependent on us. Now, this is the very essence of
society. To break up natural relations is not to place ourselves in a
state of independence, but in a state of isolation.
Remark this: A nation isolates itself looking forward to the possibility
of war; but is not this very act of isolating itself the beginning of
war? It renders war more easy, less burdensome, and, it may be, less
unpopular. Let countries be permanent markets for each other's produce;
let their reciprocal relations be such that they cannot be broken
without inflicting on each other the double suffering of privation and
a glut of commodities; and they will no longer stand in need of naval
armaments, which ruin them, and overgrown armies, which crush them;
the peace of the world will not then be compromised by the caprice of
a Thiers or of a Palmerston; and war will disappear for want of what
supports it, for want of resources, inducements, pretexts, and popular
sympathy.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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