But Island C, from having hardly any income at all, has now an income of £10,000,000 a year. Island A is ruined. Protection has put the getting of the ore under unnatural conditions. It has compelled the coal-owners to go much farther off for their ore than they need have done under Free Trade. The total wealth of all three islands altogether is less than it used to be by £4,000,000, for they are adding £4,000,000 extra to the cost of getting the raw material. _But the total combined wealth of B and C, even if they pay foreign ships to bring the ore, is now greater than it used to be under the old Free Trade._ No. B has £15,000,000; No. C has £10,000,000--the total is £25,000,000. If they pay their own sailors to bring the ore it is £30,000,000. Under the old conditions the total of B and C alone was only £19,000,000. Island A is ruined and the total wealth of the whole system is less, but the Protectionists of the realm, which now only includes B and C, are quite indifferent to that. They are thinking of the wealth of their common country, and are indifferent to the ruin of others, and their policy is _increasing_ the wealth of their common country at the expense of foreigners. In that example lies the argument for Protection. _If Island C could do something other than mine ore, if it had other forms of wealth, or by ingenuity or luck could discover some new fields in which its activities might develop, then the argument for Protection in this case would break down._ Island B would say: “Let me get my iron ore cheap from the foreigner in Island A, and do you, on Island C, develop (let us say) dairy farming, or something else which I cannot do and which Island B cannot do. In that way we shall all three benefit, and the common realm, consisting of Island B and Island C, will be richer than ever. Island B will have all its old profit of £19,000,000 (instead of being reduced to £15,000,000), and Island C can well develop a dairy produce of more than £7,000,000.” One ought to be able to see quite clearly from an example like this how true it is that _the argument in favour of Protection applies to particular cases only, and turns entirely upon whether an undeveloped part of the energies of the community can be turned into new channels or not_. We have an excellent, though small, example to hand in England to-day. The English people have to send abroad about £4 worth of goods every year per family for pig-meat, that is, bacon and hams and the rest. There is no reason why they should do this. They could produce the pigs on their own farms without drawing a single person from the factories and keep this mass of manufactured goods for their own use. The reason we are in this state in the matter of pig-meat is that our agriculture has generally got into such a hole that people will not bestir themselves to produce enough pigs. So here is a definite case in point, and only experiment could show whether Protection would pay here or would not pay.