[Footnote 8: See Vol. I, pp. 227, 439, 466, 467, 504-507; and above, ch. 14, sec. 8.] [Footnote 9: See Vol. I, pp. 217, 222-223, 352, 356.] [Footnote 10: See above, sec 12.] [Footnote 11: We are expressing here the general opinion, not pronouncing a final justification of competition as a rule of conduct. On this something will be said later, in ch. 31.] CHAPTER 21 PUBLIC REGULATION OF HOURS AND WAGES § 1. Spread of the shorter working day. § 2. The shorter day and the lump of labor notion. § 3. Fewer hours and greater efficiency. § 4. Child-labor. § 5. Child-labor legislation. § 6. Limitation of the working day for women. § 7. Limitation of the working day for men. § 8. Broader aspects of tins legislation. § 9. Plan of the minimum wage. § 10. Some problems of the minimum wage. § 11. Mediation and voluntary arbitration. § 12. Compulsory arbitration. § 13. Organized labor's attitude, toward labor legislation. § 14. Organized labor's opposition to compulsory arbitration. § 15. The public and labor legislation. §16. The public and compulsory arbitration. § 1. #Spread of the shorter working day.# Since about 1880 a shorter working day has been one of the prime objects of organized labor in America. Notable progress was early made in some trades, reducing hours from 11 to 10, or from 10 to 9, and in a few cases from 9 to 8. In the building trades in the cities, especially, the eight-hour day has come to be well nigh the rule. In 1912 it was estimated[1] that 1,847,000 wage earners were working in the United States on the eight-hour basis; of these 475,000 were public employees. A large proportion of the remainder were women and children whose hours were limited by law, or were men working in the same establishments with them. Since that date the eight-hour day has been more widely adopted both through private action in many establishments and by legislation. The year 1915 witnessed an especially rapid spread of the eight-hour day.