Elements of Folk Psychology: Outline of a Psychological History of the Development of MankindWundt, Wilhelm Max
Science
Elements of Folk Psychology: Outline of a Psychological History of the Development of Mankind
Wundt, Wilhelm Max
Ethnopsychology
according to the primitive views of barter and exchange, can consist
only in a partial right to the spoils, which, in this case, means
the temporary joint possession of the woman. In the second place,
however, the individual is a member of the clan, and what he gains is
therefore regarded as belonging also to the others. Thus the right of
the closest companions may broaden into a right of the clan. Indeed,
where strict monogamy does not prevent, phenomena similar to marriage
by capture persist far beyond this period into a later civilization.
Thus, in France and Scotland, down to the seventeenth century, the
lord possessed the right of _jus primæ noctis_ in the case of all his
newly married vassals. In place of the clan of an earlier period we
here find the lord; to him has been transmitted the right of the clan.
At the time when these phenomena were in their early beginnings, the
temporary relation might very easily have become permanent. It is thus
that group-marriage originates--an institution of an enduring character
which not only survives the early marriage by capture but which is
reinforced and probably first made permanent by its substitute, namely,
marriage by purchase. In this instance again, Australian custom
offers the clearest evidence. In the so-called 'Pirrauru marriage' of
Australia, a man, M, possesses a chief wife, C^1, called
'Tippamalku.' [image missing, see htm--transcribers.] Another man, N,
likewise has a chief wife, C^2. This wife, C^2, is, however, at the
same time a secondary wife, S^1, or 'Pirrauru' of M. In like manner
the chief wife, C^1, may, in turn, be a secondary wife, S^2, of N.
This is the simplest form of group-marriage. Two men have two wives,
of whom one is the chief wife of M and the secondary wife of N, and
the other is the chief wife of N and the secondary wife of M. Into
such a group yet a third man, O, may occasionally enter with
a chief wife, C^3, whom he gives to M as a secondary wife,
S^3, and eventually to N as a secondary wife, S^4, without
himself participating further in the group. In this way there may well
be innumerable different relations. But the marriage is a 'Pirrauru
marriage' whenever a man possesses not only a chief wife but also one
or more secondary wives who are at the same time the wives of other
men. 'Pirrauru marriage' is a form of group-marriage, for it involves
an exchange of women between the men of a group according to the
reciprocal relation of chief and secondary wives. The very manner in
which 'Pirrauru marriage' originates, however, indicates that in all
probability its basis is _monogamy_, and not, as is supposed by many
ethnologists and sociologists, 'promiscuity,' or the total absence of
all marriage. In harmony with this interpretation is the fact that in
numerous regions of Australia, especially in the northern districts,
it is not group-marriage but monogamy that prevails. There is also,
of course, a form of group-marriage that differs from 'Pirrauru
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