Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th Edition, "France" to "Francis Joseph I.": Volume 10, Slice 8Various
History
Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th Edition, "France" to "Francis Joseph I.": Volume 10, Slice 8
Various
Encyclopedias and dictionaries
The recognition of the separate status of Hungary, and the restoration
of the Magyar constitution in 1866, necessarily made some change in his
position, and so far as concerns Hungary he fully accepted the doctrine
that ministers are responsible to parliament. In the other half of the
monarchy (the so-called Cisleithan) this was not possible, and the
authority and influence of the emperor were even increased by the
contrast with the weaknesses and failures of the parliamentary system.
The most noticeable features in his reign were the repeated and sudden
changes of policy, which, while they arose from the extreme difficulty
of finding any system by which the Habsburg monarchy could be governed,
were due also to the personal idiosyncrasies of the emperor. First we
have the attempt at the autocratic centralization of the whole monarchy
under Bach; the personal influence of the emperor is seen in the
conclusion of the Concordat with Rome, by which in 1855 the work of
Joseph II. was undone and the power of the papacy for a while restored.
The foreign policy of this period brought about the complete isolation
of Austria, and the "ingratitude" towards Russia, as shown during the
period of the Crimean War, which has become proverbial, caused a
permanent estrangement between the two great Eastern empires and the
imperial families. The system led inevitably to bankruptcy and ruin; the
war of 1859, by bringing it to an end, saved the monarchy. After the
first defeat Francis Joseph hastened to Italy; he commanded in person at
Solferino, and by a meeting with Napoleon arranged the terms of the
peace of Villafranca. The next six years, both in home and foreign
policy, were marked by great vacillation. In order to meet the universal
discontent and the financial difficulties constitutional government was
introduced; a parliament was established in which all races of the
empire were represented, and in place of centralized despotism was
established Liberal centralization under Schmerling and the German
Liberals. But the Magyars refused to send representatives to the central
parliament; the Slavs, resenting the Germanizing policy of the
government, withdrew; and the emperor had really withdrawn his
confidence from Schmerling long before the constitution was suspended in
1865 as a first step to a reconciliation with Hungary. In the
complicated German affairs the emperor in vain sought for a minister on
whose knowledge and advice he could depend. He was guided in turn by the
inconsistent advice of Schmerling, Rechberg, Mensdorff, not to mention
more obscure counsellors, and it is not surprising that Austria was
repeatedly outmatched and outwitted by Prussia. In 1863, at the
_Fuerstentag_ in Frankfort, the emperor made an attempt by his personal
influence to solve the German question. He invited all the German
sovereigns to meet him in conference, and laid before them a plan for
the reconstruction of the confederation. The momentary effect was
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