This demand gained overwhelmingly in force with the revolutionary
outbreaks of 1848. To Frederick William these came as a complete
surprise, and, rudely awakened from his medieval dreamings, he even
allowed himself to be carried away for a while by the popular tide. The
loyalty of the Prussian army remained inviolate; but the king was too
tender-hearted to use military force against his "beloved Berliners,"
and when the victory of the populace was thus assured his impressionable
temper yielded to the general enthusiasm. He paraded the streets of
Berlin wrapped in a scarf of the German black and gold, symbol of his
intention to be the leader of the united Germany; and he even wrote to
the indignant tsar in praise of "the glorious German revolution." The
change of sentiment was, however, apparent rather than real. The shadow
of venerable institutions, past or passing, still darkened his
counsels. The united Germany which he was prepared to champion was not
the democratic state which the theorists of the Frankfort national
parliament were evolving on paper with interminable debate, but the old
Holy Roman Empire, the heritage of the house of Habsburg, of which he
was prepared to constitute himself the guardian so long as its lawful
possessors should not have mastered the forces of disorder by which they
were held captive. Finally, when Austria had been excluded from the new
empire, he replied to the parliamentary deputation that came to offer
him the imperial crown that he might have accepted it had it been freely
offered to him by the German princes, but that he would never stoop "to
pick up a crown out of the gutter."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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