Mirabeau had already taken alarm at the growing violence of the
Revolution. In September he had foretold that it would not stop short of
the death of both king and queen. After the insurrection of October he
sought to communicate with them through his friend the comte de la
Marck. In a remarkable correspondence he sketched a policy for the king.
The abolition of privilege and the establishment of a parliamentary
system were, he wrote, unalterable facts which it would be madness to
dispute. But a strong executive authority was essential, and a king who
frankly adopted the Revolution might still be powerful. In order to
rally the sound part of the nation Louis should leave Paris, and, if
necessary, he should prepare for a civil war; but he should never appeal
to foreign powers. Neither the king nor the queen could grasp the wisdom
of this advice. They distrusted Mirabeau as an unscrupulous adventurer,
and were confirmed in this feeling by his demands for money. His
correspondence with the court, although secret, was suspected. The
politicians who envied his talents and believed him a rascal raised the
cry of treason. In the Assembly Mirabeau, though sometimes successful on
particular questions, never had a chance of giving effect to his policy
as a whole. Whether even he could have controlled the Revolution is
highly doubtful; but his letters and minutes drawn up for the king form
the most striking monument of his genius (see MIRABEAU and MONTMORIN DE
SAINT-HEREM).
The Assembly and the royal power.
Reorganization of France.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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