Austria, meanwhile, had been making the first tentative essays in
constitutional concession, which culminated, in May 1861, in the
establishment at Vienna of a _Reichsrat_ for the whole empire, including
Hungary. The popularity she thus gained among German Liberals and
Nationalists was helped by the course of events at Berlin. The Prussian
diet of 1862 was no whit more tractable than its predecessor, but fell
to attacking the professional army and advocating the extension of the
militia (_Landwehr_) system; on the 11th of March the king dissolved it
in disgust, whereupon the Liberal ministry resigned, and was succeeded
by the Conservative cabinet of Prince Hohenlohe. Public opinion was now
violently excited against the government; the new elections resulted
(May 6) in the return of a yet larger Liberal majority; on the 22nd of
August the army estimates were thrown out. Hohenlohe now declared
himself incapable of carrying on the government, and King William
entrusted it to Otto von Bismarck.
Bismarck.
In choosing this man of iron will as his instrument during the actual
crisis the king's instinct had not betrayed him. For nine years Prussian
delegate at the diet of Frankfort, Bismarck was intimately acquainted
with all the issues of the German problem; with his accustomed
calculated bluntness he had more than once openly asserted that this
problem could only be settled by Austria ceasing to influence the German
courts and transferring "her centre of gravity towards Budapest"; with
equal bluntness he told the committee on the budget, on the 30th of
September 1862, that the problem could not be solve "by parliamentary
decrees," but only "by blood and iron." For the supreme moment of this
solution he was determined that Prussia should be fully prepared; and
this meant that he must defy the majority within the diet and public
opinion without. Some sort of constitutional pretence was given to the
decision of the government to persevere with the military reforms by the
support of the Upper House, and of this Bismarck availed himself to
raise the necessary taxes without the consent of the popular assembly.
He regretted the necessity for flouting public opinion, which he would
have preferred to carry with him; in due course he would make his peace
with Liberal sentiment, when success should have justified his defiance
of it. His plans were singularly helped by international developments.
The Polish rising of 1863 came just in time to prevent a threatened
Franco-Russian alliance; the timid and double-faced attitude of both
France and Austria during the revolt left them isolated in Europe, while
Bismarck's ready assistance to Russia assured at least the benevolent
neutrality in the coming struggle with the Habsburg power.
Views as to Germany unity.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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